Skip to main content

Full text of "Sketch of the official life of John A. Andrew"

See other formats

S. G. and E. L. ELBERT 

"i.. s i. 

I #ip 

Jlit illt umriaut 













Camfirttrjje: Wiibcvgilst \Bxt$g. 


Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by 

A. G. Browne, Jr. 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts. 









" The tendency of the hour is towards Grant. And that is best. It is 
not the ideal good. It is bad for the country that he must leave his pres- 
ent post, — bad for him, the soldier, to try and to endure the hard fate 
which awaits him, in civil life. But it is the apparently best practical good 
the country can have. And Grant is so square and honest a man that I 
believe he is bound to be right in the main, anywhere. '' — Governor An- 
drew, October 27j 1867, three days before his death. 


The following sketch comprises an article 
which appeared in the " North American Review " 
for January, 1868, and now is reprinted at the 
request of many friends of the late Governor 
Andrew, who desire to possess it in a separate 
form. To it now are added full copies of cor- 
respondence and documents to which the neces- 
sary limits of the former publication then per- 
mitted only brief reference. Use has also been 
made of other articles concerning Governor 
Andrew which have appeared since this was 
originally prepared ; chiefly, of one (the only 
defect of which is its brevity) written by his 
pastor, James Freeman Clarke, and printed in 
the February number of " Harper's Magazine." 
In every instance in which the words or facts of 


others are thus employed, due credit has been 
given to them by name. 

This book has no pretension to the character 
of a full biography of Governor Andrew. Such 
a biography, at the request of the family of the 
Governor, is now in course of preparation by 
the experienced and accomplished hands of Mr. 
Edwin P. Whipple, whose work cannot fail to 
become of standard value in the literature and 
history of New England. The only merit to 
which the present writer lays claim, is that of 
personal and intimate knowledge of the facts 
which he has recorded in the following sketch ; 
hastily and imperfectly, no doubt, for it has been 
prepared during the few hours which he could 
spare from professional duties, but in such a man- 
ner, nevertheless, as he hopes may entitle it to 
friendly regard from those at whose request it 
has been written. 

To it is added the valedictorv address of Gov- 
ernor Andrew to the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts, upon retiring from office ; the senti- 
ments and logic of which he maintained, without 


qualification, to the day of his death; and by 
which he expressed a wish that his title to fame 
in the history of his country should be determined. 
The political issues of the war have produced no 
speech or essay on the subject of the reconstruc- 
tion of the Rebel States more wise and humane 
and statesmanlike, or more worthy to be studied 
by the people of every section of the country on 
the eve of the presidential contest of the present 

The photographer of the likeness of the Gov- 
ernor, which precedes the title-page, is Mr. 
Geo. K. Warren of Cambridgeport, Mass. 


( Military Secretary to Governor 
( Andrew during the War. 

Boston, April, 1868. 




The position of Governor Andrew in the history of Massachu- 
setts. — His parentage, birth, school days, and college 
course. — Professional study with Mr. Fuller. — Admission 
to the Suffolk Bar. — His own expression of the duties, 
privileges, and opportunities, of the young men of America, 
in their relation to their country 1 


Professional career. — Training in public law. — Testimony as 
a witness before the Congressional Committee of Investiga- 
tion into John Brown's attack on Harper's Ferry. — Theory 
of duty towards unpopular causes. — Experience in cases of 
domestic relations. — Professional generosity. — Philanthrop- 
ic services. — Devotion to the Anti-Slavery cause. — Con- 
servative constitution of his mind. — Association with the 
religious society of James Freeman Clarke. — Letter to Mr. 
Garrison. — Abstinence from political office. — Service as 
State Representative in 1859. — He leads the Legislature. — 
He declines a judicial appointment. — Nomination for Gov- 
ernor. — Sympathy with John Brown. — Its influence in the 
campaign. — His election. — His share in the Chicago Con- 
vention of 1860. — His inaugural address as Governor. — 
His theory of the main issue involved in the rebellion . . 13 


Massachusetts Militia prepared for service. — Cooperation of 
other New England Governors invited. — Confidential un- 



derstanding established with General Scott. — Troops held 
in readiness to be sent to Washington at counting of elec- 
toral vote for President — The Governor's confidants at 
Washington. — The beginning of the War. — March of the 
Massachusetts Militia to Washington. — General review of 
the services of the Governor to the country during the war. 
— His counsel of sympathy with the Federal Government. — 
His unofficial advisers. — Vice President Hamlin summoned 
to Boston. — Union of all classes in Massachusetts in sup- 
port of the war, under the Governor's leadership. — Mr. 
Evarts's description of his leadership. — Speech of Fletcher 
Webster on Bunker Hill. — Departure of the Twelfth Regi- 
ment . . . . . . 28 


Arrangement and furniture of Executive rooms at the State 
House. — Freedom of access of people to the Governor. — 
His catholic relation to all men. — Sir Frederick Bruce finds 
him surrounded by colored people. — His habits of busi- 
ness. — Not an inch of red tape. — His daily receptions. — 
His informal manner. — The knapsack man. — Testimony of 
Mr. Hillard to the purity of his life. — Testimony of Mr. 
Dana to his incorruptibility and humanity. — His power of 
endurance. — Neglect of private affairs. — His love for chil- 
dren. — A visit to the White House at night. — Rigid exac- 
tion of responsibility and work from others. — The neglected 
pardon. — Care of penal institutions. — His relations with 
the Executive Council 40 


The Governor's habits of diet. — Liking of tea. — His opposi- 
tion to a Prohibitory Liquor Law. — Extracts from his argu- 
ment. — He abstains from presenting the subject to the Leg- 
islature while Governor, lest he should divide the people 
from support of the war. — His message to the Legislature 
on the morality of sale of liquors as a beverage. — Union in 
sustaining the War paramount to all other issues. — He 



combats Western hostility to New England. — His theory 
of the destiny of New England in event of success of the 
Rebellion. — His views of the relations of the British Prov- 
inces to New England 57 


His antagonism with opponents of emancipation and the use 
of colored troops. — Support of Fremont and Hunter in free- 
ing slaves. — Letter in defense of Hunter. — Speech at 
Martha's Vineyard. — His influence on the President for 
Emancipation. — The Proclamation of September 22, 1862. 
— The Altoona Convention. — Address of the Governors 
to the President. — His independence of partisan influences 
and considerations. — Opposition to secret societies. — Jeal- 
ousy towards him of old party leaders. — His vetoes. — Offi- 
cial appointments and removals, civil and military. — The 
duty of allegiance the solution of the problem of emancipa- 
tion. — Correspondence with General McClellan concerning 
exclusion of fugitive slaves from our military lines. — Cor- 
respondence with General Butler concerning proper relations 
of our military forces to servile insurrection in Maryland in 
April, 1861 68 


He obtains official sanction of the Federal Government to the 
enlistment of colored troops. — He raises the Fifty-fourth 
and Fifty fifth Massachusetts (colored) regiments. — Contest 
for their equal rights with white troops in pay and rank. — 
Antagonism with the War Department on these questions. — 
Appeal to the President. — The Attorney General overrules 
the legal position of the Secretary of War. — Correspondence 
with the President. — Correspondence with Thaddeus Ste- 
vens. — He finally triumphs and secures the rights of his 
colored soldiers. — His aid of enlistment of colored soldiers 
everywhere. — He procures organization of Freedmen's In- 
quiry Commission. — Services in behalf of the freedmen. — 



Opposition to system of arbitrary arrests in Loyal States. — 
He declines to take part in the Surratt trial .... 103 


Reverence for history of Massachusetts. — Fondness of old as- 
sociations. — Official dignity. — His body-guard. — Care of 
Harvard College. — Theories concerning education in Mas- 
sachusetts. — Schools of agriculture and mechanic arts. — 
Letter of Count de Gasparin. — Views of the true future of 
New England. — Testimony of Mr. Evarts and Mr. Godwin 
to the hopes entertained of his future national career . . 116 


His sensibility. — Anxiety concerning conduct of affairs at 
Washington. — Causes of his death. — His cheerful and 
mirthful disposition. — Special subjects of study. — Favorite 
amusements. — Administration of domestic affairs of the 
State. — Opposition to capital punishment. — Communica- 
tions to the Legislature. — His manuscript. — His social con- 
versation. — His eloquence- — His pecuniary means. — He 
resumes practice at the bar on retiring from office, refusing 
various public stations. — Familiarity with the Bible. — Re- 
ligious catholicity. — The return of the flags . . . 138 


Valedictory address. — Description of the occasion. — He- op- 
poses political proscription, whether of white or of black 
men. — He is not in accord with either President or Con- 
gress. — Course of public temper comes to correspond with 
his opinions. — Expectations of his connection with the next 
Federal Administration. — His natural capacity for leader- 
ship. — His estimate of the character of President Lincoln. 
— Comparison of his own character with that estimate . 158 

Valedictory Address . . . .... 167 





The position of Governor Andrew in the history of Massachusetts. 

— His parentage, birth, school days, and college course. — Pro- 
fessional study with Mr. Fuller. — Admission to the Suffolk Bar. 

— His own expression of the duties, privileges, and opportu- 
nities of the young men of America, in their relation to their 

The traveller approaching Boston by the 
Providence Railroad traverses, nine miles from 
the city, a beautiful plain, through which wan- 
ders the slender stream of the Neponset among 
rich meadows studded w^ith noble elms. In the 
background rise the piny slopes of the Blue Hill 
of Milton. From its ridges the climber looks 
eastward far out on the broad Bay of Massachu- 
setts, beyond the capital and the islands of its 
harbor; and westward, over line upon line of 
swelling hills, each succeeding range fading in a 
fainter purple. Here and there rise higher sum- 


mits, like Monadnock. By daylight, on the 
nearer ranges are seen the roofs of a hundred 
towns, the points of innumerable steeples, the 
shafts of countless chimneys of busy factories. 
By night, the factory buildings glitter like illu- 
minated palaces, while the dwellinghouses clus- 
tered in the villages shine with a steadier and 
more homely glow. As the sun sinks behind 
Wachusett into the Connecticut, brilliant gleams 
flash over the sea from the lighthouses of the 
Great Brewster and Minot's Ledge. More than 
half of the million people of Massachusetts dwell 
within the boundaries of that landscape. 

In the centre of the plain stand long rows of 
rough wooden barracks. The military precision 
of their order discloses unmistakably their former 
use. One half of them are now empty and 
rotting in the Spring rains. The other half are 
overflowing with an Irish tenantry, some ardent 
speculator having bought them all in hope of 
developing a permanent village from so unprom- 
ising a nucleus. 

Soon the railroad train leaves Readville and its 
camp-ground in the distance, and shelters itself 
at Boston in a station from which the passenger 
steps out upon the old parade-ground of the 
Common. Innocent players of base ball and 
cricket have trodden off the turf in patches, until 


the half bare ground looks like the well-worn 
covering of some ancient trunk. Over the elms 
and lindens swells the dome of the State House. 
In the western wing of the building, in front of 
the windows of the Council Chamber, painters 
are at work, on swinging platforms. Within, 
carpenters and masons are busy with plane and 
trowel. Soon, in the remodeling, all trace of 
the old. apartments will be lost. The last Legis- 
lature even threatened the destruction of the 
whole building ; and, if its history is to end in 
our day, perhaps then was the fit time. It began 
with the great Governor who, on the 19th of 
April, 1775, uttered the exulting cry, " O, 
what a glorious morning ! " and it well might 
end with him who had the fortune and the cour- 
age to repeat that cry with equal exultation, on 
the 19th of April, 1861. When the Readville 
Camp was last noisy with soldiery, and the pa- 
rade-ground of the Common was dark with blue 
lines of regiments returned from real war, coun- 
cil was last held in that old Chamber by the 
greatest of the twenty successors of Samuel 

Let it now change, like the camp and the once 
green parade. To the new era of Peace all the 
" modern improvements," which architect and 
carpenter and mason are making in the old build- 


ing, fitly belong. So also to a new era belongs 
the enterprise of the speculator, to change into 
a peaceful hamlet the barracks where the great 
Governor of our modern day organized a hun- 
dred thousand Massachusetts soldiers for the 
war; and on the parade-ground, where they 
passed him in review, the school-boy playing 
with his ball and wicket is a fit representative 
of the new times. But, however great these 
changes, this generation must wholly pass away 
before the traveller crossing the Readville Plain, 
or the loiterer under the elms of the Charles 
Street Mall, or the visitor to the halls of the 
State Government, shall cease to recall and asso- 
ciate with the scene the figure and the face of 
Governor Andrew. 

John Albion Andrew, the twenty-first Gov- 
ernor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
was born at Windham, a small town near Lake 
Sebago, about fifteen miles from Portland, May 
31, 1818, two years before the organization of 
Maine as a separate State. He died at Boston, 
October 30, 1867. The family was English in 
origin, descending in America from Robert An- 
drew, who immigrated to Rowley Village, now 
Boxford, in Essex County, Massachusetts, and 
died there in 1668. It was connected by mar- 
riage with several of the famous ancient families 


of the Colony, — a grandmother of the Governor 
being a granddaughter of the brave Captain 
William Pickering, who commanded the Prov- 
ince Galley in 1707, to protect the fisheries 
against the French and Indians, and the mother 
of her husband being Mary Higginson, a direct 
descendant from Francis Higginson, the organ- 
izer of the first church in the Colony. A por- 
trait of this old clergyman, his ancestor, depicted 
with snow-white hair and gray moustache, clad in 
a black robe, holding a book in one hand, on the 
index finger of which a large signet-ring is dis- 
played, hung over the mantel on the chimney of 
the Council Chamber during the whole of Gov- 
ernor Andrew's administration. The grandfather 
of the Governor, whose name he bore, was a 
silversmith, and afterwards a successful merchant 
in the old and wealthy city of Salem. He re- 
moved to Windham, and died there in 1791. His 
son Jonathan was born in Salem, and lived there 
until manhood, when he, too, went to Windham, 
and married Nancy G. Pierce, a teacher in the 
Fryeburg Academy, where Daniel Webster also 
was once a teacher. She died in 1832 ; and 
soon afterwards he removed to Boxford, where 
he died in 1849. The Governor was their oldest 

He was a school-boy at Windham and at Sa- 


lem, and then a student in Bowdoin College. 
Of his college life Mr. Peleg W. Chandler spoke 
as follows in his felicitous eulogy at the Suffolk 
Bar meeting, held on November 4, 1867, after 
the Governor's death : — 

" He took no rank as a scholar, and seemed to 
have not the slightest ambition for academical 
distinction ; he had no part at Commencement. 
This rosy, chub-faced boy, genial, affectionate, 
and popular, gave no indications of future re- 
nown, or of that ability, energy, and breadth 
of view for which he is now so celebrated. He 
was not regarded as dull, very much the con- 
trary ; but he seemed to be indifferent to the 
ordinary routine of college honors, possessed of 
that happy temperament which enabled him then 
and for many years afterwards to pass quietly 
along without a touch of the carking cares and 
temptations that wait on the ambitious aspirations 
of the young as well as the old." 

Immediately after graduating at college in the 
class of 1837, he came to Boston to study law, 
and prepared for the profession in the office of 
Henry H. Fuller, an uncle of Margaret Fuller. 
Of the relation between master and pupil, Mr. 
Chandler said : — 

" It always seemed to me that his character 
was much affected by contact with that somewhat 


remarkable and much misunderstood lawyer. 
Mr. Fuller was a man of most genial tempera- 
ment, an excellent scholar (second in the class 
of which Edward Everett was first), of wide 
reading and extensive acquirements ; a man who 
loved young men, and aided and assisted them in 
every way he could ; and also of such marked 
peculiarities, of such wonderful crotchets and 
such heroic obstinacy, that he naturally and es- 
pecially attracted, and in some respects almost 
fascinated, his pupil. The attraction was mutual ; 
they became almost like brothers. The student 
sat at the same office table with the master, en- 
tered into all the business affairs, wrote letters 
from dictation, and they seemed in fact like one 
person. Mr. Fuller had an extensive acquaint- 
ance with all sorts of men. He knew the per- 
sonal history of almost every citizen of the town ; 
and of all public characters, living and dead, he 
had a decided opinion, which he never hesitated 
to pronounce on any suitable occasion. Mr. 
Andrew, with the curiosity of a young man fresh 
from the country, took this all in ; but what is 
remarkable, while some of the peculiar traits of 
the master stuck to the pupil, the latter had de- 
cided opinions of his own, especially in regard 
to American slavery, which were sometimes in 
ludicrous contrast with those of his senior. Mr. 


Fuller was a conservative of conservatives. He 
stood by the ancient ways, even in the cut of his 
coat and the shape of his hat ; his ruffled shirt 
and white cravat were significant of a past gen- 
eration. Mr. Andrew soon became interested in 
many of the reform movements of the day, and 
was as firm and as peculiar in one direction as 
his friend was in another." 

Then followed twenty years of steady practice 
at the Suffolk Bar, to which he was admitted in 
1840. It was not a conspicuous career, but in 
it his biographer will find the marks of all the 
great qualities he afterwards displayed in office ; 
for never was a life more consistent. In after 
years, in 1864, then at the height of his renown 
as Governor, he found time, even among the 
harassing cares of office, to prepare and deliver 
to the class graduating from the Medical School 
of Harvard College, their valedictory address, 
into which he condensed much of the philos- 
ophy of living which was matured in his own 
mind during this long term of patient profes- 
sional labor. 

" In no community in the world," said he, " is 
there brighter promise for competent young men 
than there is here ; for the sphere is so vast, the 
ways are all open, and all possibilities are free to 
all men. It is only necessary that a young man 


of education should be willing to serve faithfully, 
to waste no time in dreams and passionate long- 
ings, but to make the most of himself by being 
useful and by proving his capacity, as occasions 
naturally occur. His time will surely come. 
There is never a surplus of competent and trust- 
worthy men. They are always in request. 
Places are always in waiting for them. But 
the men themselves do not always at the right 
time appear." 

" There is nothing more practically and simply 
true than that success, abiding and secure, the 
happiness and usefulness of a professional career, 
is proportioned to the purity, singleness, and 
generosity of the purpose with which it is pur- 
sued. No thinking man has lived to middle age 
who has not seen, with his own eyes, brilliant 
powers thrown away, capacity for lasting impres- 
sion on society and for solid happiness as the 
reward of real good accomplished, made the for- 
feit of the poor and selfish pursuit of changeful 
Fortune, or uncertain Fame, or inglorious Ease. 
What a defeat is such a life ! Will you treat 
your profession as a trade out of which merely to 
make your bread, while you indulge every whim 
or fancy of a mind to which duty is irksome and 
fruitful toil a mere fatigue ? Then you sacrifice 
the hope of honorable competence, of solid rep- 


utation, the sweet and infinite satisfactions of a 
worthy life. Will you use it as the mere instru- 
ment of sordid gain ? Then you sacrifice your 
love for Science, who stands waiting to feed you 
with immortal food, and to open the rich store- 
house of all her truth, while you dwarf your soul 
to the worship of the very dust she treads under 
her feet. Will you make your profession only a 
stepping-stone to preferment ? Then you strangle 
the spiritual and intellectual progeny which might 
bless your declining age, in order to reign for a 
while the heartless, aimless pretender of an hour, 
in a hollow and deceitful prosperity. 

" The solicitude with which we naturally con- 
template the future, if it does not degenerate 
into weak anxiety, is not unreasonable. The 
desire of excellence is not wholly to be discon- 
nected from a sense of the value of other men's 
good opinion. A certain yearning for a proper 
sphere for generous ambition, a true appreciation 
of the rewards of meritorious effort, a manly tone 
of self-respect, are all, of course, desirable, nor 
are they, in any sense, unworthy. But when one 
sees so many great and good things waiting to be 
done, lying unaccomplished only for want of the 
men of faith, patience, intellect, and action ; 
when we consider the vastness and variety of 
opportunity opening to the young men of Amer- 


ica, who have really fitted themselves to serve 
their country and do their part in strengthening 
or enriching it, who are willing to buckle on their 
armor and contend for a brave mastery ; I think 
it seems as if self-interest, even, advises only that 
they should do justice to their own capacities and 
the means lying open before them, throw aside 
all weakness and all narrowness, and be faithful 
to themselves, generous to mankind, considering 
how bountiful is the Divine Providence to them. 
There is a margin for mistake and misadventure, 
for which all of us must allow. But it is usually 
and on the whole but a margin only. We must 
be willing to accept our mischances, and even 
our own errors, reckoning them for what in truth 
they are to courageous, persevering men, as illus- 
trations of the limitations of everything which is 
simply human and not supernatural. 

" Gentlemen, as citizens of a country larger 
than Europe, possessing elements of greater 
wealth and greater power than Europe, of ca- 
pacity to feed and support a population exceed- 
ing the present numbers of the human race, you 
have only to develop yourselves and to apply 
your own powers and acquirements. The first 
duty of the citizen is to regard himself as made 
for his country, not to regard his country as made 
foi* him. If he will but subordinate his own 


self-hood, his own ambition, enough to perceive 
how great is his country and how infinitely less 
is he, is it not manifest that he presently becomes 
a sharer in her glory, a partaker of her great- 
ness ? He is strengthened by her strength, and 
inspired by her intellectual and moral life. 
While he contributes his little to the grand 
treasury of her various wealth of power and 
possession, he draws therefrom vigor and support 
with every breath he breathes. Standing utterly 
alone, what man is anything? But associated 
with his fellows, he receives the instruments, the 
means, the opportunities, and the facilities for 



Professional career. — Training in public law. — Testimony as a 
witness before the Congressional Committee of Investigation 
into John Brown's attack on Harper's Ferry. — Theory of duty 
towards unpopular causes. — Experience in cases of domestic re- 
lations. — Professional generosity. — Philanthropic services. — 
Devotion to the Anti-Slavery cause. — Conservative constitution 
of his mind. — Association with the religious society of James 
Freeman Clarke. — Letter to Mr. Garrison. — Abstinence from 
political office. — Service as State Representative in 1859. — He 
leads the Legislature. — He declines a judicial appointment. — 
Nomination for Governor. — Sympathy with John Brown. — Its 
influence in the campaign. — His election. — His share in the 
Chicago Convention of 1860. — His inaugural address as Gov- 
ernor. — His theory of the main issue involved in the rebellion. 

In the latter years of his professional practice 
before becoming Governor, he was engaged in a 
remarkable succession of cases involving high 
questions of constitutional law. In 1854 he de- 
fended the parties indicted at Boston for rescuing 
the fugitive slave Burns ; in 1855 he defended 
the British Consul at Boston against the charge 
of violating our neutrality laws during the Cri- 
mean War ; in 1856 he argued the petition for a 
writ of habeas corpus to test the legality of the 
imprisonment of the Free State officers of Kansas 


at Topeka. More lately, in 1859, he initiated 
and directed the measures for the legal defense 
of John Brown in Virginia ; and in 1860 he was 
of counsel for Francis B. Sanborn, at his dis- 
charge by the Supreme Court of Massachusetts 
from the custody of the United States Marshal, 
by whom he had been arrested on a warrant 
from the Vice-President of the United States to 
compel his appearance before the Congressional 
Committee of Investigation into the affair at 
Harper's Ferry. 

He had himself appeared before that Commit- 
tee as a witness on February 9, of the same year, 
and been subjected to an examination conducted 
chiefly by Jefferson Davis, then Senator from 
Mississippi, and Senator Mason of Virginia, as 
to his motives for taking so much trouble and 
expense in John Brown's behalf. In the light 
of the subsequent career of his examiners some 
of their questions and his answers have a peculiar 
significance after the eight intervening years.* 

* The following are extracts from the official report of his exam- 
ination : — 

" By the Chairman, Mr. Mason. Question. Will you state, sir, 
whether your reason for volunteering your aid in this matter, and 
the representations that you made to others, or what induced you 
to act as you state you did act, was founded on the impression that 
Brown was not going to have a fair or just trial, or was it founded 
on a disposition to aid in his defense, because of his career against 
the institution of slavery? 


On his theory of duty as a lawyer, he never 
hesitated to defend unpopular and even odious 
causes. In illustration, besides his defense of the 

" Answer. Well, sir, I know — 

" Question. In other words, if you had no impressions that the 
trial was not one fairly and properly conducted, would you have 
acted as you did, in getting money for his defense, only from a 
desire to serve him because of the career in which he was em- 
barked ? 

" Answer. I am quite clear on that point, putting the question in 
that way. As you, sir, first proposed the question, it was a little 
complex and intricate. Had I felt that Captain Brown and his 
associates were in the way to a full and complete opportunity for a 
fair judicial investigation into all their rights according to the laws 
of the jurisdiction within which they were, I have no reason to sup- 
pose that I should have interfered. I should have felt that I had 
no occasion to interfere. I had known about old Mr. Brown for 
several years, and I approved a great deal which I had heard of 
touching his career in Kansas; I thought he had been an honest, 
and conscientious, and useful assistant of the Free State cause. My 
impression of him was derived from many sources. I had never 
seen him but once in my life, and then only for a few moments. I 
say in frankness that I felt a certain sympathy for a man who had, 
as I thought, been useful in behalf of a great cause in which I was 
interested. I had no sympathy with his peculiar conduct touching 
which he was then indicted. I felt injured by that, personally, as 
a Republican. 

" Question. Suppose the only difficulty connected with his trial, 
as you heard, had been the want of means, would you and your 
friends then have volunteered to furnish the means to employ 
counsel ? 

" Answer. It is not easy, Mr. Chairman, for one man to speak as 
to another's motives. I can only speak as to my own ; and you 
have now put a question which embarrasses me to this extent : It 
is unpleasant for a man to blow the trumpet of his own virtue, and 
I am sorry to be asked to state to what extent I may be a benevolent 
man, or otherwise. I can only give you one little circumstance, as 


British Consul, may be named his advocacy of 
Burnham, in 1860, against the inquisition of the 
Massachusetts Legislature, and also his defense 
in the United States courts, the same year, of 

an illustration of what I might do under such circumstances. Last 
year a man was convicted in Boston for piracy, and sentenced to 
be hanged. I had never seen him, to speak to him, in my life, nor 
did I know by sight any person related to him in any way. After 
other efforts had been made, I* devoted some weeks, at least, to 
preparation, and came to Washington, at my own expense, without 
fee or reward, or the hope of any, in order to press upon the Attorney 
General and the President those considerations which I deemed 
proper to be considered in support of the application for executive 
clemency. The man's life was saved. I never spoke to him until 
I accompanied Mr. Marshal Freeman to his cell, and assisted in the 
reading of the President's warrant of commutation. I have some- 
times done just such things as that on other occasions. I do not 
profess to be a particularly benevolent man, but I mention that as 
an illustration of what I might do, even for a stranger." 
In answer to further questions the witness said : — 
" I think that Captain Brown's foray into Virginia was a fruit of 
the Kansas tree. I think that he and his associates had been edu- 
cated up to the point of making an unlawful, and even unjustifi- 
able, attack upon the people of a neighboring State — had been 
taught to do so, and educated to do so by the attacks which the 
Free State men in Kansas suffered from people of the slaveholding 
States. And, since the gentleman has called my attention again 
to that subject, I think the attack which was made against repre- 
sentative government in the assault upon Senator Sumner in Wash- 
ington, which, so far as I could learn from the public press, was, if 
not justified, at least winked at throughout the South, was an act 
of very much greater danger to our liberties and to civil society 
than the attack of a few men upon neighbors over the borders of a 
State. I suppose that the State of Virginia is wealthy and strong, 
and brave enough to defend itself against the assaults of any un- 
organized unlawful force. 
" Mr. Davis. The sympathy which you say you expressed or 


the notorious slaver-yacht Wanderer against for- 
feiture. In questions of domestic relations perhaps 
no member of our bar had a more extensive 
practice, or made deeper study of the law. His 
mind thus was busy always with the higher prob- 
lems of philosophic jurisprudence, and his course 
of practice led hi'm to comprehend thoroughly 
the mutual relations of the government and the 
people in all questions of personal liberty, so that 
when, in mature life, he was called to be Gov- 
ernor, he was already a well-trained political 

Much might be written of the cheerful kind- 
ness with which his professional skill and experi- 
ence were always at the service of the poor. The 
writer of one of the notices of his life has truly 
said : — 

i felt towards John Brown, is that which you felt for a soldier engaged 
in such a civil war as that which you describe in Kansas. 

" The Witness. That would hardly be a fair statement of my 

" Mr. Davis. I wish merely to get what your feeling is. It is not 
a statement, but an inquiry. 

" The Witness. I am constitutionally peaceable, and by opinion 
very much of a peace man, and I have very little faith in deeds of 
violence, and very little sympathy with them except as the ex- 
tremest and direst necessity. My sympathy, so far as I sympathized 
with Captain Brown, was on account of what I believed to be heroic 
and disinterested services in defense of a good and just cause, and 
in support of the rights of persons who were treated with unjust 



" Whoever had no other friend found it easy 
to appeal to his generosity. He showed this at 
the bar, where more than orice he took up causes 
which hardly another lawyer would have touched, 
because otherwise the individual would have had 
no advocate and no hearing. At a time when 
the counsel for the wife in a divorce case was 
pretty sure to be paid less than the actual ex- 
penses of court, he was counsel for the wife in 
innumerable cases. The amount of his gratu- 
itous professional services during his twenty years 
of practice will probably never be known. Cer- 
tain it is that had he received full fees in all of 
them, he would not have been forced after five 
years of most distinguished official services, to 
return to the toil and drudgery of the bar in 
order to support his family." 

And much also might be said of his service 
with organized philanthropic associations during 
this long period of twenty years — for which, 
however, this is not the place. The records of 
the societies for the amelioration of prison dis- 
cipline, for the care of convicts after discharge 
from confinement, for the abolition of capital 
punishment, for the reform of inebriates, for the 
protection of sailors, for the promotion of peace ; 
and of numerous others of kindred nature ; bear 
testimony to the fidelity with which he served 


as a friend those who, except for him and such 
as he, were friendless. 

From boyhood, he was devoted to the Anti- 
Slavery cause, and was an ally of all its cham- 
pions, no matter by what political names they 
styled themselves or were styled by others. But 
the constitution of his mind was not destructive. 
He never believed in pulling down any valuable 
institution, because it was perverted to be a 
shelter for wrong, without first seeking if it could 
not be purged of the wrong and preserved with 
a value added by the purging. 

His pastor, and close and constant friend, 
James Freeman Clarke, with whose religious 
society he associated himself soon after he came 
to Boston, has recorded a characteristic example 
of the application of this disposition to a dispute 
which occurred in the society, in 1845, in con- 
sequence of an exchange of pulpits with Theodore 
Parker. A part of the members had threatened 
to secede for that reason, and in the debate which 
followed this threat, the Governor, then a young 
man of twenty-seven, made a speech which Mr. 
Clarke describes as " seeming at the time as 
powerful in argument and persuasive in appeal 
as any I ever heard." The chief charge against 
Theodore Parker being that, as he rejected the 
supreme authority of the Bible, he could not 


properly be regarded as a Christian minister, the 
Governor cited the examples of the Roman 
Catholics, the Quakers, and the Swedenborgians, 
in denial of the validity of the charge ; and 
argued, moreover, that the Unitarian church did 
not make faith in the Scripture its foundation, 
but faith in Christ, however known. 

" Finally," says Mr. Clarke, " he pleaded that 
the true way to treat all whom we supposed to 
be in error was not to go from them, but to go 
to them ; not shut them out, but take them in. 
Nor was it the right way, he contended, to leave 
a church because the majority conscientiously 
differed from us, but to remain in it and con- 
vince them. We never can do so much good by 
going only with those who agree with us ; for if 
only those who agree together go together, each 
party in the church hardens itself in its own 
opinions, and truth and error never come in con- 

At last, said he, in closing : " Brethren ! I do 
not believe in the principle of come-outer-ism. I 
am not a come-outer. I am a stay-in er. I shall 
not leave this church because the majority may 
differ from me on this or other questions. You 
may, indeed, turn me out ; but you cannot make 
me go out of my own accord. If you turn me 
out of your meetings I will stand on the outside, 


and look in through the window, and see you. 
If I cannot do this, I will come the next day and 
sit in the place where you have been, and com- 
mune with you so. I cannot be excommunicated, 
for I shall continue thus always in your com- 

It was this quality of the Governor's mind 
which prevented him always from identifying 
himself with the sect of Abolitionists, who bore 
the name of Mr. Garrison, although his opinions 
on the subject of slavery were as decided as those 
of their great leader, with whom he maintained a 
friendship which continued unbroken to the close 
of his life. The Asperities of speech and indis- 
criminate denunciations which were frequent on 
their platform also repelled him, and were dis- 
pleasing to his kindly heart. He believed that 
it was possible to hate slavery without hating 
every slaveholder, and to abolish it without abol- 
ishing the Union ; and he defined precisely his 
position, in a letter written on July 31, 1860, in 
reply to an invitation from Mr. Garrison to at- 
tend a meeting the next day to celebrate the 
anniversary of British emancipation in the West 

" It is due," he wrote, " to a perfectly frank 
understanding, that I should say, what I believe 
you already know, that though I am with you 


and your friends in sympathy when you rejoice 
that the British slave is now a freeman, yet I 
have been so often pained at the unremitting and, 
I think, frequently unjust assaults by persons 
upon your platform on men whom I greatly re- 
spect, and whose services in the cause of rational 
and impartial liberty I highly prize, that I could 
not fail to esteem myself an intruder in your 
midst, unless I should suppress something I 
might feel urged to say. My fidelity to the 
existing institution of government, its charters, 
its organization, and the duties of its citizenship, 
is, ever has been, and, I doubt not, will always 
be, unshaken ; but, working in the sphere of cit- 
izenship, and through the instrumentality it af- 
fords, I hope that I ever may remember the 
lesson of British emancipation, and apply it 
wherever I have the right and the power." 

It has been mentioned that when in mature 
life he was called to be Governor, he was already 
a well-trained political philosopher. Whether 
he would be as efficient in practice as he had 
been studious of theory was unknown. The 
condition of his private fortune had debarred him 
from the practical political training which in this 
country almost always precedes elevation to the 
highest offices, and had required his uninter- 
rupted devotion to a profession which always 


demands constancy as a condition of success. 
Never but once had he held political office, and 
then only for the session of 1859, as a member 
of the lower house of the Legislature, although, 
to be sure, he became the leader of that house, 
seizing the position in debate upon the question 
of an address for the removal of Edward G. 
Lpring from the office of Judge of Probate for 
Suffolk County, which Mr. Loring held in viola- 
tion of a statute of the Commonwealth render- 
ing it incompatible with the office of United 
States' Commissioner, in which capacity Mr. 
Loring shortly before had acted in surrendering 
the fugitive slave Burns. At the close of the 
session he returned to his profession, declining 
an appointment to the bench of the Superior 
Court which was offered to him by Governor 
Banks, and refusing also to permit his name to 
be submitted to the convention of his party as 
a candidate for nomination for Governor. But, 
in 1860, notwithstanding this abstinence from of- 
ficial life, he was nominated for Governor by a 
genuine popular impulse which overwhelmed the 
old political managers, who regarded him as an 
intruder upon the arena, and had laid other 

His avowed sympathy with John Brown en- 
tered largely into the campaign ; particularly an 


expression which he had used in taking the chair 
as presiding officer of a meeting for the relief of 
John Brown's family, on November 18, 1859, 
when (after reading to the audience a letter from 
Captain Brown to Lydia Maria Child telling what 
women and children would be left dependent on 
others by his death) he said : — 

" I pause not now to consider, because it is 
wholly outside of the duty or the thought of this 
assembly to-night, whether the enterprise of John 
Brown and his associates in Virginia was wise 
or foolish, right or wrong; I only know that 
whether the enterprise itself was one or the 
other, John Brown himself is right. I sympa- 
thize with the man ; I sympathize with the idea ; 
because I sympathize with and believe in the 
Eternal Right. They who are dependent upon 
him and his sons and his associates in the battle 
at Harper's Ferry, have a right to call upon us 
who have professed to believe, or who have in 
any manner or measure taught the doctrine of 
the rights of man as applied to the colored slaves 
of the South, to stand by them in their bereave- 
ment, whether those husbands and fathers and 
brothers were right or wrong." 

Timorous politicians from his own State and 
from others appealed to him in vain to retract, 
or at least to qualify these words. But he 


would never take back or explain away one 

He had resolved, early in 1860, to devote him- 
self to the national campaign, and in May was 
Chairman of the Massachusetts delegation in 
the Republican Convention at Chicago, where 
after the final ballot, he was selected to second 
the motion of Mr. Evarts that the nomination 
of Mr. Lincoln for President should be made 
unanimous. When in August he was himself 
nominated for Governor, he did not throw up the 
engagements he had made for speaking, but con- 
tinued to canvass the State in person to the very 
day of the election, when he was chosen by a 
popular vote larger than had been received by 
any of his predecessors. 

In his inaugural address he recommended that 
some considerable portion of the dormant militia 
should be placed on a footing of activity, in order 
that " in the possible contingencies of the future 
the State might be ready without inconvenient 
delay to contribute her share of force in any 
exigency of public danger ; " and he took a 
broader and deeper view than was common in 
those days of the magnitude of the impending 
crisis, holding that in its issue was involved more 
than the Union itself, — the very existence on 
the face of the earth of democratic republi- 


can government organized under constitutional 

" Upon this issue," he exclaimed, " over the 
heads of all mere politicians and partisans, in 
behalf of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts 
I appeal directly to the warm hearts and clear 
heads of the great masses of the people. The 
men who own and till the soil, who drive the 
mills, and hammer out their own iron and leather 
on their own anvils and lapstones, and they who, 
whether in the city or the country, reap the 
rewards of enterprising industry and skill in the 
varied pursuits of business, are honest, intelli- 
gent, patriotic, independent, and brave. They 
know that simple defeat in an election is no cause 
for the disruption of a government. They know 
that those who declare that they will not live 
peaceably within the Union do not mean to live 
peaceably out of it. They know that the people 
of all sections have a right which they mean to 
maintain, of free access from the interior to both 
oceans, and from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico, 
and of the free use of all the lakes and rivers 
and highways of commerce, North, South, East, 
or West. They know that the Union means 
Peace, and unfettered commercial intercourse 
from sea to sea and from shore to shore ; that it 
secures us all against the unfriendly presence or 


possible dictation of any foreign power, and com- 
mands respect for our flag and security for our 
trade. And they do not intend, nor will they 
ever consent, to be excluded from these rights 
which they have so long enjoyed, or to abandon 
the prospect of the benefits which Humanity 
claims for itself by means of their continued en- 
joyment in the future." 




Massachusetts Militia prepared for service. — Cooperation of other 
New England Governors invited. — Confidential understanding 
established with General Scott. — Troops held in readiness to be 
sent to Washington at counting of electoral vote for President. — 
The Governor's confidants at Washington. — The beginning of the 
War. — March of the Massachusetts Militia to Washington. — 
General review of the services of the Governor to the country 
during the war. — His counsel of sympathy with the Federal 
Government. — His unofficial advisers. — Vice President Hamlin 
summoned to Boston. — Union of all classes in Massachusetts in 
support of the war, under the Governor's leadership. — Mr. 
Evarts's description of his leadership. — Speech of Fletcher 
Webster on Bunker Hill. — Departure of the Twelfth Regiment. 

There was a furious snow-storm on January 
5, 1861, the day of his inauguration. Without 
waiting for it to abate, his first official act, im- 
mediately after the inaugural ceremonies, was to 
despatch a confidential messenger to the Gov- 
ernors of New Hampshire and Maine, to acquaint 
them with his determination to prepare the active 
militia of Massachusetts for instant service, and 
to invite their cooperation. Then followed, week 
by week, in the face of ridicule from many 
sources, and bitter opposition from many more, 
that series of military orders and those purchases 


of war material to which the whole country 
now looks back as evidences of unequaled fore- 

In the light of subsequent events his action in 
preparing Massachusetts for the war stands so 
fully justified that many have forgotten that it 
was opposed at all. But the records of the press 
and public assemblages and legislative proceed- 
ings during those trying weeks, bear witness that 
there was a large portion, even of the Governor's 
own political party, whose denunciation of it was 
exceeded only by their scoffing. Nothing, how- 
ever, disturbed his steady purpose. The people 
to-day know how the troops were warned for 
duty by general orders issued in January, and 
soon afterwards contracts were made for the over- 
coats and other articles of equipment ; but they 
do not know yet the extent of his efforts, — how 
he urged that our militia should be summoned to 
garrison Washington at the time of the counting 
of the electoral votes for President and Vice 
President, in February ; how a confidential un- 
derstanding was established between him and 
General Scott, which served more perhaps than 
any one other thing, to inspire the veteran com- 
mander with confidence that the country's cause 
was not hopeless ; how, in consultation with Gen- 
eral Scott, written memoranda for the direction 


of our troops on the march to Washington were 
drawn up, by which it was provided, in anticipa- 
tion of obstruction of their route overland, that 
they should proceed by sea and be disembarked 
either under cover of the guns of Fort McIIenry 
at Baltimore, or else at Annapolis ; and how 
steamers were kept for weeks in readiness at his 
bidding to transport them to the Chesapeake. 

Besides General Scott, the persons at Wash- 
ington who in those anxious days were intrusted 
with the Governor's confidence, were especially 
Charles Francis Adams and Montgomery Blair, 
and, to a certain extent, Edwin M. Stanton, who 
was then the Attorney General of President 
Buchanan. Referring to these offers of the Mas- 
sachusetts troops, the latter, in a correspondence 
with ex-Governor Clifford (never yet published), 
wrote from Washington on February 11, 1861 : 
" The determined and vigilant disposition to sup- 
port the Government with requisite volunteer 
forces has produced here a beneficial effect and 
contributed to the anxiety of the revolutionists 
for concealing their designs." 

At last the signal-gun of the Rebellion was 
fired. Patient in the extreme through all the 
attempts to prevent war, sympathizing and cor- 
responding with Mr. Adams during all the efforts 
and proffers to the South which were made in 


the faint hope to avert it, yet when it came Gov- 
ernor Andrew welcomed it as the sure solution 
of all difficulties. In his own memorable words 
spoken in the address with which he opened the 
session of the General Court which was speedily 
called, " a grand era had dawned," and he " per- 
ceived nothing now about us which ought to 
discourage the good or to alarm the brave." 
" Senators and Representatives," said he, " grave 
responsibilities have fallen, in the providence of 
God, upon the government and people, — and 
they are welcome. They could not have been 
safely postponed. They have not arrived too 
soon. They will sift and try this people, all who 
lead and all who follow." 

Never was a finer illustration of the couplet 
of the poet, that 

" When once their slumbering passions burn, 
The peaceful are the strong." 

This man, of sympathies nurtured on the most 
advanced ideas of his age, yearning, hoping, pray- 
ing for a peaceful end of all wrong, yet possessed 
a foresight so intuitive and a mind so practical, 
that he had calmly prepared for war, unmoved 
by the ridicule and abuse of men of coarser fibre ; 
and when war came, accepted it so solemnly and 
earnestly that there seemed and there was no 
inconsistency between his principle and his prac- 


tice. " Devoted in heart to the interests of peace," 
said he in that same great address, " painfully 
alive to the calamities and sorrows of war, yet I 
cannot fail to see how plainly the rights and 
liberties of a people repose upon their own capac- 
ity to maintain them." 

In an address delivered on June 17, 1865, on 
the occasion of dedicating the monument at Lowell 
to Ladd and Whitney, two of the men of the 
Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, who fell at Balti- 
more on the 19th of April, 1861, the Governor 
recurred to those early days of the war in words 
Worthy of what he was describing : — 

^" It is not for me," he said, " to attempt to 
separate the bewildering masses of transactions 
and emotions through which we have lived, or 
to rise above the influence of those recent events 
which, at present, control alike the imagination 
and the reason. But I may testify to the im- 
pressions stamped forever on our memories and 
our hearts by that great week in April, when 
Massachusetts rose up at the sound of the can- 
nonade of Sumter, and her militia brigade spring- 
ing to their arms appeared on Boston Common. 
It redeemed the meanness and the weariness of 
many a prosaic life. It w r as a revelation of a 
profound sentiment, of manly faith, of glorious 
fidelity, and of a love stronger than death. Those 


were days of which none other in the history of 
the war became the parallel. And when, on the 
* evening of the anniversary of the battle of Lex- 
ington, there came the news along the wires that 
the Sixth Regiment had been cutting its way 
through the streets of Baltimore, whose pave- 
ments were reddened with the blood of Mid- 
dlesex, it seemed as if there descended into our 
hearts a mysterious strength and into our minds 
a supernal illumination. In many trying experi- 
ences of the war we have watched, by starlight 
as well as sunlight, the doubtful fortunes of our 
arms. But never has the news of victory, de- 
cisive and grand, — not even that of Gettysburg, 
on which hung issues more tremendous than ever 
depended on the fortunes of a single battle-field, 
— so lifted us above ourselves, so transformed 
our earthly weakness into heavenly might by a 
glorious transfiguration. The citizens of yester- 
day were to-day the heroes whom history would 
never forget ; and the fallen brave had put on 
the crown of martyrdom, more worthy than a 
hundred mortal diadems. Their blood alone was 
precious enough to wipe out the long arrears of 
shame. The great and necessary struggle was 
begun> without which we were a disgraced, a 
doomed, a ruined people. We had reached the 
parting of the ways ; and we had not hesitated 


to choose the right one. Oh ! it is terrible, be- 
yond expression terrible, to feel that only war, 
with all its griefs and pains and crimes, will save 
a people ; but how infinitely greater than the 
dread and the dismay with which we thought of 
war, was the hope of that salvation ! " 

It is not within the province of this sketch to 
narrate the details of Governor Andrew's ad- 
ministration. That duty is reserved for the bi- 
ographer and the historian. It is enough here 
to recall to memory how until after the Procla- 
mation of Emancipation fixed the policy of the 
Federal Government, the war in behalf of the 
Union was rather a war of the States than of 
the Central Pow r er; and how, during the long 
and difficult interval, when every governor was 
a war-minister, he was the greatest of them all, 
clearest in foresight, most sagacious in counsel, 
most resolute in will, most untiring in action, un- 
discouraged himself by the faltering course of the 
Administration at Washington, lending it the aid 
of the financial credit of Massachusetts when its 
treasury was empty, raising and maintaining 
under arms troops for its service when it declared 
that it had "more men than were wanted," set- 
ting regiment after regiment in the field without 
calling on it for a single article of equipment, 
and, above all, encouraging it to appeal for its 


defense to the broad duty of allegiance owed by 
all its subjects. 

Without the energy, patience, and determina- 
tion of all the loyal governors, but especially of 
Governor Andrew in the East and Governor 
Morton of Indiana in the West, where to-day 
would have been the Union ? The Central Gov- 
ernment, its credit impaired, its arsenals empty, 
its fleets dispersed on remote seas, its counsels 
timorous and indecisive, was powerless alone to 
save it. Realizing all this, Governor Andrew, in 
his address to the Legislature on May 14, 1861, 
enjoined as the highest public duty the cultivation 
of a spirit of patience with the Federal Adminis- 

"In this grave national experience," he de- 
clared, "it becomes us not only to acquit our- 
selves as men, by courage and enterprise, but 
also to remember that every virtue, civil as well 
as military, calls on us with more commanding 
voice. Patient endurance, unflinching persever- 
ance in every duty, whether of action or passion, 
at such a moment become grand and heroic. 
Nor can I urge too strongly the duty of faithful 
and filial union of heart with those to whom are 
committed the responsibilities of the central 
power. Whether they who have to guide the 
current of national action seem fast or slow, nar- 


row or broad, I trust that Massachusetts men will, 
with equal devotedness, enact their part in this 
warfare as good soldiers of a great cause." 

The men not holding official connection with 
his administration, whom chiefly he took into his 
confidence for counsel in these times, represented 
no one class of interests. Among the merchants 
they were John M. Forbes and Francis B. 
Crowninshield ; at the bar, Peleg W. Chandler 
and Horace Gray, jr. ; from the bench, Judges 
Charles Allen and E. Rockwood Hoar ; among 
men in political life, ex-Governor Boutwell * and 
Thomas D. Eliot. Four of these, Judge Allen 
and ex-Governor Boutwell, and Messrs. Forbes 
and Crowninshield, he had appointed members 
of the " Peace Congress " which met at Wash- 
ington in February at the request of the State 
of Virginia, and in which he completed the Mas- 
sachusetts delegation of seven by adding Theoph- 

* On consultation with ex-Governor Boutwell, on April 20, 1861, 
when communication was cut off between the North and Washing- 
ton, and it was uncertain what might befall the President, Mr. 
Hamlin, the Vice President, was invited from his home in Maine 
to Boston by Governor Andrew, in order that if Washington, with 
the President, should fall into the hands of the rebels, the Federal 
Government might be immediately reorganized under the Vice 
President. Upon the arrival of Mr. Hamlin at Boston a consulta- 
tion took place between him and the Governor, and it was agreed 
that it would be best that any such organization, if necessary, 
should be effected at New York, whither he then proceeded. 


ilus P. Chandler (the brother of Peleg W. 
Chandler), Richard P. Waters, and Mr. Good- 
rich, the Lieutenant Governor. 

But the enthusiasm with which he inspired the 
people at a time when the hearty cooperation of 
all classes was essential to the honor of the State 
and the salvation of the Nation, was all his own. 
On the very first day of open hostilities, when 
it was seen how the preparations which he had 
been steadily pursuing in the face of ridicule and 
denunciation, were justified by the event, distrust 
vanished utterly. From that day forward, dur- 
ing his whole official term, he enjoyed the con- 
fidence of men of every class of society, pursuit 
in life, and shade of political opinion, to an extent 
more nearly universal than the history of the 
State records was ever reposed in another of its 
citizens ; and it was a confidence not conceded 
but commanded. The people recognized a nat- 
ural leader. Mr. William M. Evarts has said 
truly : " Without adulation and without extrav- 
agance, we may say, looking at the actual career 
of Governor Andrew and at the public course of 
Massachusetts under his lead, that what Massa- 
chusetts did and what Massachusetts was during 
the years of our war, was a part of the fame of 
Governor Andrew, for he was the leading spirit, 
he -was the preparing influence, his was the con- 


trolling mind, and his the unfailing energy, 
though it needed, of course, the great power 
and resources of the State for its manifestation." 
" And, besides his direct authority in his own 
State, who can measure the influence which he 
exerted over the colder natures or the duller in- 
telligences of the public men of other States 
with whom he was brought in contact?" 

Men who had been political antagonists during 
a whole generation suspended, if they did not 
forget, their strife in answering his call. On the 
17th of June, 1861, standing on Bunker Hill, he 
unfurled the flag of the Union on the monument 
(from the summit of whrch it was then for the 
first time displayed) ; and, standing by his side, 
the son of Daniel Webster spoke words which 
redeemed many an error of former years. " I 
renew," he said, " on this national altar vows not 
for the first time made, of devotion to my coun- 
try, its Constitution and Union. I feel the inspi- 
ration which breathes around this spot. I feel 
the awful presence of the great dead who speak 
to us out of this hallowed ground. They call to 
us with more impressive than human voices to 
show ourselves not unworthy sons. From this 
spot I take my departure, like the mariner com- 
mencing his voyage, and wherever my eyes may 
close they will be turned hitherward — towards 


this North." One month later Colonel Web- 
ster led his regiment from Massachusetts to Vir- 
ginia, to fall on the field of Manassas on August 
30, 1862 ; and as it marched down State Street 
in departing, the column joined in the chorus of 

"John Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave, 
But his soul is marching on ! " 

No voice was raised that day to challenge the 
declaration that " John Brown himself was 



•angement and furniture of Executive rooms at the State House. 
— Freedom of access of people to the Governor. — His catholic re- 
lation to all men. — Sir Frederick Bruce finds him surrounded by 
colored people. — His habits of business. — Not an inch of red 
tape. — His daily receptions. — His informal manner. — The 
knapsack man. — Testimony of Mr. Hillard to the purity of his 
life. — Testimony of Mr. Dana to his incorruptibility and human- 
ity. — His power of endurance. — Neglect of private affairs. — 
His love for children. — A visit to the White House at night. — 
Rigid exaction of responsibility and work from others. — The 
neglected pardon. — Care of penal institutions. — His relations 
with the Executive Council. 

The arrangement of the private executive 
rooms at the State House was unchanged during 
the whole of the Governor's administration. It 
was faulty in many respects, and a few simple 
changes in it, enabling him to seclude himself, 
would have saved him from much care and an- 
noyance. They were on the same floor with 
the Council Chamber, and were reached through 
a long and narrow corridor which led into an 
antechamber. Out of this the Governor's apart- 
ment opened directly, with no intervening room. 
It was a low-studded chamber, perhaps twenty- 
five feet square, lighted by two windows opening 


westward. In the centre was a massive square 
table, on the side of which, facing the door of the 
antechamber, the Governor had his seat. Directly 
opposite him, at the same table, sat his secretary. 
At a desk near one of the windows was the place 
of an assistant secretary. The chairs and sofa 
were very plain and covered with green plush. 
The large book-cases along the northern wall, 
empty at the beginning of his administration, be- 
came filled before the end of it with more than 
two hundred volumes of the correspondence con- 
ducted under his immediate direction. A large 
mirror, with a heavily carved black-walnut frame, 
surmounted the mantel, gas-fixtures projecting 
from among the carving ; and on these, during 
the first year of the war, while Massachusetts 
was arming and equipping her own troops, he 
was accustomed to hang specimens of shoddy 
clothing or defective accoutrements, labelled with 
the names of the faithless contractors, thus pub- 
licly exposed to the indignation of the hundreds 
of visitors who frequented the room. His only 
means of seclusion was to retreat into a room 
beyond the antechamber, from which there was 
no other outlet than the door of entrance, which 
was of solid iron. Every frequenter of the State 
House may remember seeing him, after being 
pestered beyond endurance, hasten across the 


antechamber into this room, where he would bolt 
and bar out the waiting crowd until he could 
finish some urgent work demanding freedom from 
the interruptions to which he was subject in his 
own apartment. Once behind that iron door he 
was free ; and it was the only place in the whole 
building where he was secure from intrusion. 

His patience, however, under all manners of 
interruption, was marvelous. Now and then it 
would give way in little acts of nervousness, such 
as pulling unconsciously at a bell-rope which 
hung over his table, or insisting on the immediate 
attendance of an old and favorite clerk from the 
Adjutant-General's office who had been dead a 
year or more. By some curious psychological 
process, when the Governor had been especially 
vexed at anything which went wrong in that 
office, he more than once forgot the old gentle- 
man's death, and sent down stairs for him. 

He was accessible always to all kinds and con- 
ditions of people, and in the freedom of his inter- 
course with them he fully exemplified and might 
well have adopted the words with which De 
Quincey, in his " Confessions," introduces the 
story of the friendless girl of the London streets : 

" The truth is, that at no time of my life have 
I been a person to hold myself polluted by the 
touch or approach of any person who wore a 


human shape ; on the contrary, from my very 
earliest youth, it has been my pride to converse 
freely, more Socratico, with all human beings, 
man, woman, and child, that chance might fling 
in my way, — a practice which is friendly to the 
knowledge of human nature, to good feelings, 
and to that frankness of address which becomes 
a man who would be thought a philosopher, for 
a philosopher should not see with the eyes of the 
poor limitary creature calling himself a man of 
the world and filled with narrow and self-regard- 
ing prejudices of birth and education, but should 
look upon himself as a catholic creature, and as 
standing in an equal relation to high and low, to 
educated and uneducated, to the guilty and in- 

Countless anecdotes might be repeated illus- 
trating this trait of his character, but there is 
room here only for one, which was aptly told by 
Mr. Edwin P. Whipple in his eulogy before the 
city government of Boston : — 

" Sir Frederick Bruce, the British Minister, 
once called upon the Governor at the State 
House and found the room nearly filled with col- 
ored women who had come to him to obtain news 
of fathers, brothers and sons enlisted in the black 
regiments of Massachusetts. Sir Frederick 
waited, while the Governor, with kindly patience, 


listened to complaints, answered questions, gave 
advice, and tried to infuse consolation and cheer 
into the hearts of his humble friends. After these 
interviews were all over the turn of the British 
minister came, and he was a man with the nobil- 
ity of soul to appreciate what he had witnessed. 
Clasping the Governor by the hand, he declared 
that, whatever might be the advantages of a 
republican government, he had never believed 
that it could assume a paternal character, but 
what he had just seen proved how much he had 
been mistaken." 

His habits of business lacked system, in part 
through inexperience of official life, but more 
through eagerness to dispose at once of the mat- 
ters uppermost. He never acquiesced patiently 
in any routine. Writing to President Lincoln 
on May 3, 1861, he said : " On receiving your 
proclamation [calling for troops] we took up the 
war and have carried on our part of it in the 
spirit in which, we believe, the Administration 
and the American people intend to act ; namely, 
as if there was not an inch of red tape in the 

So fer, however, as he may be said to have 
had a daily routine, it was his custom to devote 
the early hours of the morning, first to his mail ; 
then to reports from the departments of the State 


government, and interviews with officials of those 
departments and with officers of the United 
States having business with him ; then to inter- 
views with officers from the field or engaged in 
recruiting or organizing troops at home ; and 
finally, at some time between noon and one 
o'clock, to throw open the doors of his room to 
the public. By that hour a great crowd had 
assembled in the antechamber, eager for admit- 
tance. Except the similar though rarer public 
receptions by President Lincoln, there were no 
scenes in which it was possible to witness more 
of the effect of the war on all classes of society 
than in those daily inroads. Instantly the room 
would be filled with the crowd. Then, with that 
patience which almost never failed, he would 
hear and examine personally into every case, or 
give the applicant in charge to his staff-officers 
to make the examination under his own super- 
vision, and would do all that could be done to 
relieve suffering or anxiety, stimulate patriotism 
or reward merit. 

He had not that smooth way of refusing with- 
out seeming to refuse, in which his predecessor 
so excelled. It was often to be wished, for his 
own comfort, that he could develop ever so small 
a degree of that official manner which checks 
and repels intrusion ; but he never did. There 


was not, in his nature, the germ of formalism. 
One day, among the many exhibitors of military 
notions who beset him, was a man with a patent 
knapsack. There were many visitors in attend- 
ance, some of high distinction, awaiting audience ; 
but the knapsack man was before them in obtain- 
ing his ear. He listened to his description of the 
article ; and when he was told that some of our 
Massachusetts troops wished it as a substitute for 
the regulation knapsack, he forgot the presence 
of everybody, asked for it to be packed and 
buckled over his own shoulders, and then marched 
up and down the room, testing himself its as- 
serted merits, before he would turn to any other 

In those daily receptions, women anxious for 
the safety or health of fathers, sons, brothers, 
husbands, in the armies before Richmond or 
Vicksburg, or in the rebel prisons, or having 
grievances to present as to the administration of 
" State aid " to their families ; soldiers complain- 
ing of injustice or of suffering in the field or at 
home ; selectmen and recruiting committees sug- 
gesting plans or asking favors to promote enlist- 
ments ; an endless host of applicants for appoint- 
ments, military and civil ; citizens of every class 
seeking indorsement and aid of schemes for sani- 
tary and other charities ; petitioners for pardon 


of criminals, for admission of deaf and dumb or 
blind or idiotic children as public beneficiaries to 
the charitable institutions of the State, — these, 
and a countless multitude of others, on every 
conceivable variety of business, all found a willing 
ear and an attention justly proportioned to their 
affairs, whether serious or trivial. To all these 
various wants and needs never was a heart more 
sensitive, never a disposition more paternal ; and 
this recalls the testimony borne by Mr. George 
S. Hillard, his political opponent, but, his life- 
long friend, when (at the same bar meeting at 
which Mr. Chandler gave the description of the 
Governor's college life, already quoted), after 
first declaring his belief that the loss of Governor 
Andrew was a greater loss to Massachusetts than 
that of any citizen either in the early or the later 
history of the State, he said that, " in conclusion, 
he wished to make another remark, which might 
seem as extraordinary as that with which he 
opened his address, but which he believed sin- 
cerely was truth ; and that was that he never 
knew a man whose daily life and conversation 
embodied the teachings of the Saviour as laid 
down in Holy Writ more than his. He never 
knew a man who left this world with less of the 
stain of sin than he." 

And Mr. Richard H. Dana Jr., who preceded 


Mr. Hillard on the same occasion, after styling 
Governor Andrew " a great magistrate and an 
incorruptible man," continued, — 

" I do not say incorruptible in that low and 
mean sense of being above pecuniary temptation : 
I should feel it derogatory to him even to allude 
to such an exemption ; although, as times go, 
there are cases in which it is no small praise. I 
mean to say that he could not be deflected from 
the course of duty by any of the temptations 
which address themselves to the weaknesses of 
public men. His morality was not a graft of later 
years upon an ordinary stock ; it was not sweet 
water gathered into a vase, nor the accumula- 
tions of a large reservoir ; but it was a fountain 
of living water, springing up from the depths of 
his nature. The foundations of his character were 
laid deep and strong. 

" In the older civilizations and religions there 
were scattered instances of humane men who 
recognized more or less the obligations or the 
claims of man, as such, upon his fellow-men ; but 
they ended as they began, with closet reflections 
or sublime sentiments for the reading of the few ; 
there never was a religion until Christianity, that 
even professed a recognition of the great . truth 
to which Christianity commands the obedience 
of all ; that is, the truth of the unity of mankind, 


the substantial equality in kind of every human 
being, children of one Maker, who will not allow 
the weakest and the meanest of them to be neg- 
lected. Mr. Andrew felt to the utmost this 
Christian obligation, and fulfilled it with enthu- 
siasm. No cry struck his ear in which he could 
recognize even the articulate sound which is the 
proof of humanity, that he did not listen to. Let 
a cry for justice come even from the debased or 
the wicked, he was ready to examine, and if right 
to assert. A plea for a right, though it came 
from those who had all their lives done nothing 
but wrong, had its distinct claim upon him as a 
citizen and a man. His sympathies were quick 
and sincere, but it is no uncommon thing for 
mere sensibility to weep over pain and distress, 
and even to relieve it ; this he would do, but his 
large mind and thoughtful habits led him to ad- 
dress himself to the causes of vice, and suffering, 
and wrong. He was not satisfied with relieving 
the sufferer or the oppressed ; he addressed him- 
self to attack the causes of oppression and suffer- 

" I have used the word incorruptible in its 
highest sense, but we have not exhausted it. He 
appreciated office and station as opportunities for 
the exercise of powers which he felt that he pos- 
sessed for the good of mankind, and he loved to 


be in the march of great events, as an incitement 
to virtuous activity. But he would not accept 
any post for the exercise of power, whatever its 
opportunities for doing good, upon any terms 
whatever that might restrict or qualify his moral 
power. He had absolute faith in the moral gov- 
ernment of a Supreme Being, for whose power 
nothing was too great, and for whose supervision 
nothing was too minute. He knew that however 
a man may be helmed and shielded and harnessed 
by skill and art, there was always a spear of truth 
which could pierce through the joints of the har- 
ness, and inflict a wound past all surgery. He 
felt that he could not exercise his intellectual 
powers except in a clear moral atmosphere ; and 
in such an atmosphere, though he was neither 
vain nor rash, he was ready, aye, ready for the 
encounter ; for he had absolute faith * Whatever 
might be the appearance of weakness around 
him, and however slight might be his visible 
support, he knew that the very winds blew and 
waters rolled strength to the brave, and power 
and victory." 

In spite of the harassing character of cares like 
those which have been described, on a nature so 
sympathetic as was that of Governor Andrew, 
his power of endurance was extraordinary. Al- 
most invariably he was at the State House as 


early or even earlier than either of his secretaries, 
and his appearance was always the signal for 
fresh work in every department of the building. 
Paying hasty calls at the offices of the Adjutant- 
General and the Surgeon-General, on his way, 
nine o'clock rarely found him absent from his 
own desk ; and there he continued always until 
sunset, and often until long past midnight, unless 
some public duty called him elsewhere. 

His private affairs went utterly neglected. His 
family he rarely saw by daylight, except in the 
early morning and on Sundays, and to a man of 
so affectionate a disposition this was the greatest 
sacrifice. Even on Sundays there was often no 
respite of work. Sometimes, however, his chil- 
dren would come to his crowded room at the 
State House, and linger there for an hour in the 
early afternoon on their way home from school. 
No matter how urgent his business, there was 
always a moment to spare for an affectionate word 
or a caress, and an encouragement to make a 
play-room of the chamber. 

James Freeman Clarke relates a characteris- 
tic anecdote which belongs in this connection. 
He says : " A pleasant picture comes up in my 
mind of an evening in Washington at the end 
of 1861. Brother Andrew took me with him to 
the White House to see President Lincoln. It 


was about ten o'clock, but the porter said that 
the President had gone out with Mr. Seward; 
but, recognizing Governor Andrew, he added, 
' Walk in, Governor, walk in.' So Brother 
Andrew went in, and looked through all the 
rooms of the lower floor. All were lighted, and 
all empty. Then he went up-stairs, and I fol- 
lowed. We came to a door before which stood 
two pairs of little shoes. ' This is the children's 
room,' said he ; ' I should like to go in and see 
them asleep.' He put his hand on the handle 
of the door, as if to open it, and then, changing 
his mind, turned away. But the impulse was 
such a natural one ! In the palace of the nation, 
in the midst of the great rebellion, the image of 
these little children quietly asleep took his heart 
for the moment away from all the great affairs 
of the State and Nation." 

During the first few months of the war his 
labor at the State House averaged more than 
twelve hours daily, and during April and May, 
1861, the gray light of morning often mingled 
with the gaslight over his table, before he aban- 
doned work, discharged his weary attendants, 
and walked down the hill to his little house in 
Charles Street to snatch a few hours of sleep be- 
fore beginning the task of another day. It must 
have been an iron constitution as well as an iron 


will which sustained these irregularities with 
constantly renewing vigor. After his invariable 
bath and hasty breakfast he would reappear at 
the State House as fresh as the morning itself, 
without a trace perceptible to the casual visitor 
of irritation or fatigue, while perhaps half an 
hour later his attendants of the previous night 
would come to their places cross and jaded. Mr. 
Clarke says well : " He worked like the great 
engine in the heart of the steamship. The ves- 
sel may be rolling and pitching amidst frightful 
seas, her decks swept by successive waves, but 
there, in the centre of the ship, the engine works 
steadily on with tranquil accuracy but enormous 
power. Such force, so steadily exercised, was 
his. There was no jar, no strain, no hurry, no 
repose ; but constant equable motion, on and on, 
through all those weary years, to their tri- 
umphant end." 

Unsparing to himself, he did not spare others ; 
filled himself with a sustaining enthusiasm, he ex- 
pected and demanded from others efforts corres- 
ponding in proportion to their ability. His sec- 
retary once recommended to him an increase of 
the pay of a subordinate. The letter bears the 
indorsement instantly made : " I cordially assent, 
but on condition that he shall come at nine 
o'clock, a. m." This was in the case of an officer 


whose residence was out of the city, and whose 
duties kept him at the State House almost al- 
ways until sunset and often until midnight. It 
was an indorsement not unkind, — never from 
all those years can any of his associates or subor- 
dinates recall a single act or word of unkindness 
done or spoken by Governor Andrew, — but it 
was characteristic of his habit to hold every one 
strictly to the full measure of duty. So was his 
indignation, one dreary afternoon, the day before 
Christmas, at finding that the office of the Sec- 
retary of the Commonwealth was closed half an 
hour earlier than usual. There was a severe 
snow-storm raging, which suspended business 
through the city, and the clerks of that office had 
closed it, forgetting that there should have been 
drawn and forwarded up-stairs during the day, 
for the Governor's signature, a pardon which 
had been granted to a convict in the State Pris- 
on, according to a custom which prevailed with 
him to grant one pardon, upon the recommenda- 
tion of the Warden, every Christmas morning. 
It irritated him that the clerks below should 
have forgotten such a duty. During his own 
hard work through the day, the thought of the 
happiness which the morrow would bring to that 
convict had lightened his heart, and he felt a 
positive pain that others should not have shared 


that feeling. Though unwell, he hastily broke 
out of the room, walked through the driving 
snow across the city to the house of one of the 
officers of the State Department, brought him 
back to the State House, stood by him while the 
pardon was drawn and the Great Seal of the 
Commonwealth was affixed to it, signed it, and 
then despatched it by one of his secretaries to 
the Warden at Charlestown. 

The preliminary investigation of applications 
for pardon he seldom delegated to others, even 
at the height of his military labor. By the Con- 
stitution of the State, the assent of the Council 
was necessary to confirm every pardon proposed 
by the Governor, and there was a regular com- 
mittee for formal investigation of pardon cases ; 
but he did not often decide to refer any partic- 
ular application to that committee, until after 
some preliminary investigation himself, frequently 
involving no little toil. During his term of office 
there was hardly a place of confinement of crim- 
inals in the whole Commonwealth, from Nan- 
tucket to Berkshire, which he did not personally 
visit. He believed that care of our penal insti- 
tutions was next in importance for the welfare of 
the State, to the care of the schools. 

The legal obligation to consult the Council, 
not only with regard to all matters of pardon, but 


with regard also to almost all matters whatsoever 
of administration, whether of finance or appoint- 
ment, was a great drain upon his patience. But 
there were certain advantages in it which he was 
quick to appreciate. Chiefly, it methodized in 
his own mind the reasons for his acts. The 
necessity oftentimes of expressing reasons to the 
Council, and the liability at all times to be called 
on to express them, compelled him to avoid alto- 
gether that vagueness of thought which accom- 
panies the actions of most men. Almost daily, 
during the war, there was a session of the Coun- 
cil at which he was obliged to attend for one, 
two, or three hours. Usually it began in the 
early afternoon, after the close of his public re- 



The Governor's habits of diet. — Liking of tea. — His opposition 
to a Prohibitory Liquor Law. — Extracts from his argument. — 
He abstains from presenting the subject to the Legislature while 
Governor, lest he should divide the people from support of the 
war. — His message to the Legislature on the morality of sale 
of liquors as a beverage. — Union in sustaining the War para- 
mount to all other issues. — He combats Western hostility to 
New England. — His theory of the destiny of New England in 
event of success of the Rebellion. — His views of the relations 
of the British Provinces to New England. 

Before leaving his own apartment for the 
Council Chamber the Governor was accustomed 
to retreat from visitors into a little intermediate 
room, where he partook of a simple lunch, gen- 
erally of only bread and cheese with a cup of 
tea. Dr. Johnson was not a more devoted lover 
of tea. He held to the theory that it is a pos- 
itive nourisher of nervous force, and always was 
ready to drink it at any time of day or night. 

Simple in all his diet, although, like almost 
all busy professional men, a hearty and rapid 
eater, he enjoyed and appreciated the pleasures 
of the table, for he was a thoroughly developed 
man in all the elements of manhood, physical 


as well as intellectual and moral. In his great 
argument against the principle of a prohibitory 
liquor law, made in the winter of 1867 before 
a committee of the Legislature, while recit- 
ing the causes which combined to increase 
the perils of New Englanders from drunken- 
ness, besides "a hard climate, v much exposure, 
few amusements, a sense of care and responsi- 
bility cultivated intensely, and the prevalence of 
ascetic and gloomy theories of life, duty, and 
Providence," he enumerates also " the absence 
of light, cheering beverages, little variety in 
food, and great want of culinary skill." He 
was fond of wine and used it freely, but always 
with temperance ; and he despised, from the bot- 
tom of his heart, the prevailing hypocrisy as to 
its use. No one respected more the discretion of 
the individual who should abstain from it, either 
for fear of being tempted beyond self-control, or 
for example to others in danger ; but he de- 
manded equal respect for his own discretion. 

Believing that law has of itself no reforming 
power, that it may punish and terrify but cannot 
convert, he attacked the doctrine of prohibitory 
legislation at its root. 

"It is," he argued, "only in the strife and 
actual controversy of life — natural, human, and 
free — that robust virtue can be attained, or pos- 


itive good accomplished. It is only in similar 
freedom alike from bondage and pupilage, alike 
from the prohibitions of artificial legislation on 
the one hand, and superstitious fears on the other, 
that nations or peoples can become thrifty, happy, 
and great. Will you venture to adhere to the 
effete blunders of antiquated despotisms, in the 
hope of serving, by legal force, the moral welfare 
of your posterity ? Will you insist on the dogma 
that, even if certain gifts of nature or science 
are not poisons, they are nevertheless so danger- 
ously seductive that no virtue can be trusted to 
resist them? But when society shall have in- 
trusted the keeping of its virtue to the criminal 
laws, who will guaranty your success in the ex- 
periment, tried by so many nations and ages, re- 
sulting always in failure and defeat? Do you 
exclaim, that the permitted sale of these bever- 
ages, followed as it must be by some use, must 
be followed, in turn, by some drunkenness ; and 
that drunkenness is not only the parent cause of 
nearly all our social woes, but that it is impossible 
to maintain against its ravages a successful moral 
war ? To both these propositions, moral philos- 
ophy, human experience, and history, all com- 
mand a respectful dissent. 

" Reason, experience, and history all unite to 
prove that, while drunkenness lies in near rela- 


tions with poverty and other miseries, and is very 
often their proximate cause, it is not true that it 
is the parent, or essential cause, without which 
they would not have been. And to the teach- 
ings of reason, experience, and history, are added 
the promises of Gospel Grace, enabling me in all 
boldness to confront the fears of those who would 
rest the hopes of humanity on the commandments 
of men." 

" Drunkenness was naturally one of the forms 
which vice assumed in New England. So far as 
it depended on the mere fact of opportunity for 
indulgence, it was partly due to our nearness to 
the West Indies, and to the trade by which our 
lumber was exchanged for their molasses. The 
peculiar product of our distillation was the result 
of the lumber trade with the West India Islands, 
just as the production of whiskey is now the re- 
sult of the superabundant grain crops of the 
Western States. A hard climate, much expos- 
ure, little variety in food, and great want of culi- 
nary skill, few amusements, the absence of light, 
cheering beverages, a sense of care and respon- 
sibility cultivated intensely, and the prevalence 
of ascetic and gloomy theories of life, duty, and 
Providence — have, in time past, all combined 
to increase the perils of the people from the se- 
ductive narcotic. A man whose virtue was weak, 


or whose discouragements were great, or whose 
burdens were heavy, or in whom the spirit waged 
unequal war with the allurements of the flesh ; 
or even one in whom a certain native gayety 
strove with the unwelcome exactions of the 
elders, was often easily its victim. Independ- 
ence, intelligence, self-respect, broader views, 
kinder and tenderer sympathies, the cultivation 
of the finer tastes, the love and appreciation of 
beauty, a truer humanity, — not to speak of 
better social theories, — all made more general 
and pervading in our society, have gradually, 
by divine favor, been made instrumental in the 
deliverance of our people from that bondage. I 
have not mentioned a greater conscientiousness in 
the catalogue of causes, for I do not believe that 
conscientiousness has ever been greater than in 
New England, or that it is greater now than 
it was in other times. It was a characteristic 
of New England from the first. It was always 
a source of greatness in her people. But it has 
been often morbid and even superstitious. 

" The evil of drunkenness needed to be met 
by a gracious Gospel kindling the heart, not by 
a crushing sense of guilt goading the conscience. 
The temperance reformation sprang up out of 
the heart of a deeply moved humanity. It was 
truly and genuinely a Gospel work. It was a 


mission of love and hope. And the power with 
which it wrought was the evidence of its inspira- 
tion. While it held fast by its original simplicity, 
while it pleaded, with the self-forgetfulness of 
Gospel discipleship, and sought out with the gen- 
erosity of an all-embracing charity, while it 
twined itself around the heart-strings and quietly 
persuaded the erring, or with an honest boldness 
rebuked without anger, — it was strong in the 
Lord and in the power of his might, verifying 
the prophecy of old, that one might chase a 
thousand and two put ten thousand to flight. 
But when it passed out of the hands of its 
Evangelists and passed into the hands of the 
centurions and the hirelings ; when it became a 
part of the capital of political speculation, and 
went into the jugglery of the caucus ; when 
men voted to lay abstinence as a burden on their 
neighbors, while they felt no duty of such absti- 
nence themselves (even under the laws of their 
own creation) ; when the Gospel, the Christian 
Church, and the ministers of religion were yoked 
to the car of a political triumph ; then it became 
the victim of one' of the most ancient and most 
dangerous of all the delusions of history." 

In all his life, public and private, there was 
not a single act which afforded him more internal 
satisfaction than this attack. The subject had 


been with him one of earnest thought and clear 
conviction for many years ; but for fear of divid- 
ing the people on a local question when they 
should be united on the great national issues, he 
abstained from presenting it to the Legislature 
until after the war. The result of the State 
election that occurred the week after his death, 
completely revolutionizing the policy of Massa- 
chusetts on the question, and vindicating his po- 
sition, was a proof of the sagacity with which he 
foresaw the verdict of the people on a theory of 
legislation which only one year before it required 
high moral courage even to challenge ; and the 
planless action of the Legislature which the rev- 
olution brought into power, has proved also how 
dependent it was upon his leadership for a suc- 
cessful conclusion. 

Once only, while he was Governor, did the 
Legislature force him to an official intimation of 
the opinions which he was so well known to en- 
tertain, by passing and presenting for his signa- 
ture, in 1865, a resolve " that it is not expedient 
or right in principle to authorize the sale of in- 
toxicating liquors as a beverage, by license." It 
was notorious that the purpose of many who were 
concerned in the passage of this resolve, was to 
embarrass him. As usual, the straightforward 
simplicity with which he met every issue, disap- 


pointed their shallow calculations. Inquiry hav- 
ing been made in the Senate as to the Governor's 
action upon this resolve, he quietly sent to that 
branch of the Legislature a message saying : — 

" Since the inquiry has been mooted, I deem it 
not only appropriate, but more respectful to the 
General Court that I should communicate for its 
information the views entertained by me and 
which direct my action in the premises. On read- 
ing the resolve, it is apparent that the signature 
of the Governor would not give to it the force 
of law, or change its character, significance, or 
value, since the resolve is only the expression of 
an opinion on an abstract proposition. Were I 
to add my official approval I should be guilty of 
the affectation of presuming to the right of ap- 
proving or disapproving the opinions on questions 
of morality and ethics entertained by gentlemen 
whose opinions are, I presume, at least as valu- 
able as my own, and which my mere approval or 
disapproval could not affect. There are resolves, 
such as those which presume to utter the opinions 
of the people, our common constituency, on pub- 
lic affairs ; or to express their gratitude to public 
servants for distinguished merit and exertions for 
the common good ; or their condolence with those 
who share with all the people the grief of a com- 
mon public calamity [referring to the then recent 


death of President Lincoln] ; in which resolves it 
seems proper for the Governor to unite officially, 
since he also is a representative of the Common- 
wealth. But it does not seem to me that with 
becoming regard to the entire independence with 
which opinions should be entertained, he can 
affect to revise the opinions expressed in a resolve 
such as the one above recited." 

During the war, his determination to unite 
Massachusetts in its support was paramount to 
every other consideration, and was the key to 
many acts which pained some of his friends and 
offended others. The deference to certain classes 
of society of which he was accused in some of his 
appointments, was only one feature of a settled 
policy. Many a gallant young officer went down 
from Massachusetts into Virginia to battle, an 
unconscious hostage for the loyalty of men at 
home who in times of disaster might otherwise 
easily have fallen into indifference or opposition. 
This deep determination was rewarded with suc- 
cess. Massachusetts was a unit from the day 
when the flag ceased to fly over Sumter to the 
day when it crowned again the ruins of the fort. 
Divided, we might have perished. United, we 
led the van of the war. No one felt the perils 
of discord more than he, especially during that 
period when there was talk of " leaving New 


England out in the cold." The official records 
of those days show how he pleaded and argued 
with the West for a more cordial union ; * but 
while he had an implicit trust in the issue of the 
war as it did result, yet he had too little pride of 
opinion, and was too truly a statesman, not to 
consider and provide against a different issue. In 
event of the success of the Rebellion, he antici- 
pated the formation of a northeastern confederacy 
which should combine the greater part of New 
England with Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and 
a part of Canada ; and if our present Union had 
been doomed to failure, he would not have con- 
sidered such a destiny for Massachusetts as hope- 
less. In such a confederacy he beheld all the 
elements of a first-rate power, — a homogeneous 
population of more than five millions, rapidly in- 
creasing ; the great harbors of Boston, Portland, 
and Halifax, with a capacity to command the 
commerce of the Northern Atlantic ; control of 
the outlet of the great lakes by possession of the 
southern bank of the St. Lawrence; mines of 
iron and coal ; forests of timber for every use of 
architecture and navigation ; the mechanic arts 

* See particularly his printed letter to S. F. Wetmore of Indiana, 
February 3, 1863, in reference to the relative contributions of Mas- 
sachusetts and Indiana for the war, and to the contributions of 
Massachusetts for the development of the Northwest; and his 
inaugural address to the Legislature of 1864. 


fully developed ; manufactures in maturity ; and 
education, literature, and the fine arts at the 
highest point of culture they have attained in 
America. But his heart was with the Union as 
it is. Never in public letter or speech did he 
tolerate the idea of its failure. He had an abid- 
ing faith in God's will to preserve it ; and with 
him faith always availed more than reason, the 
heart more than the intellect. But intellectually 
regarding the success of the Rebellion as a possi- 
bility, he devoted much attention to the relations 
of the British Provinces to New England, a study 
to which he was previously attracted, also, by a 
conviction that in more intimate bonds of com- 
merce with them Boston would find rich sources 
of material prosperity. After retiring from office 
his interest in the subject even increased. He 
was deeply concerned for the success of the rail- 
way by which uninterrupted communication will 
be effected between Boston and Halifax ; and 
during the summer before his death he passed his 
vacation in a tour through the Provinces. 



His antagonism with opponents of emancipation and the use of 
colored troops. — Support of Fremont and Hunter in freeing 
slaves. — Letter in defense of Hunter. — Speech at Martha's 
Vine} T ard. — His influence on the President for Emancipation. — 
The Proclamation of September 22, 1862. — The Altoona Con- 
vention. — Address of the Governors to the President. — His in- 
dependence of partisan influences and considerations. — Opposi- 
tion to secret societies. — Jealousy towards him of old party 
leaders. — His vetoes. — Official appointments and removals, civil 
and military. — The duty of allegiance the solution of the problem 
of emancipation. — Correspondence with General McCIellan con- 
cerning exclusion of fugitive slaves from our military lines. — 
Correspondence with General Butler concerning proper relations 
of our military forces to servile insurrection in Maryland in 
April, 1861. 

Much has been said, since his death, of his 
unvarying sweetness of disposition^ which is liable 
to give a wrong impression of the man. In a 
memoir which he prepared in 1860 of a friend 
with whom, he wrote, he had sustained " an in- 
timacy of acquaintance such as never existed 
between himself and any other man," and whose 
influence on his character was continuous for 
fourteen years,* he described one quality of his 
* The late John W. Browne, of Hingham. 


friend's nature in language which may well be 
applied to his own, saying, " He was terribly bold 
when truth demanded. And his courage began 
at home. He always accused and tried himself 
before he denounced any other man. Hence 
flowed a sense of freedom, — a self-emancipation, 
— which liberated him from the thousand bonds 
which hamper men who are constrained by the 
necessities of pretense and sham. This also 
cleared his mental vision and his perception of 
moral distinctions, so that he walked in the green 
pastures and beside the still waters of a life 
obedient to the precepts of a sincere heart and 
a transparent intellect." So Governor Andrew 
never allowed himself to be drawn into a quarrel, 
and had no personal hatred, even against those 
who did him most grievous personal wrong. But 
his whole soul was devoted to the grand princi- 
ples of civil and political liberty which were at 
stake in the war ; and with some men who, he 
believed, were obstructing right and justice in 
the policy of the government he was in mortal 
antagonism. Such hatreds as those he cherished 
intensely, and they harmonized with his natural 
kindness like shade and light in a fine paint- 
ing. No one could be familiar with the steps 
toward emancipation, and the use of colored 
troops, without being sensible of his strong 


antipathies to certain men who obstructed those 

Over the bodies of our soldiers who were killed 
at Baltimore he had recorded a prayer that he 
might live to see the end of the war, and a vow 
that, so long as he should govern Massachusetts, 
and so far as Massachusetts could control the 
issue, it should not end without freeing every 
slave in America. He believed, at the first, in 
the policy of emancipation as a war measure. 
Finding that timid counsels controlled the gov- 
ernment at Washington, and the then commander 
of the Army of the Potomac, so that there was 
no light in that quarter, he hailed the action of 
Fremont in Missouri in proclaiming freedom to 
the western slaves. Through all the reverses 
which afterwards befell that officer he never 
varied from this friendship ; and when at last 
Fremont retired from the Army of Virginia, the 
Governor offered him the command of a Massa- 
chusetts regiment, and vainly urged him to take 
the field again under our State flag. Just so, 
afterwards, he welcomed the similar action of 
Hunter in South Carolina, and wrote in his de- 
fense the famous letter in which he urged " to 
fire at the enemy's magazine." * He was deeply 

* Premising that this letter, dated May 19, 1862, was written in 
reply to a request of the Secretary of War to be advised within what 


disappointed when the Administration disavowed 
Hunter's act, for he had hoped much from the 
personal friendship which was known to exist 
between the General and the President. Soon 
followed the great reverses of McClellan before 

The feelings of the Governor at this time on 
the subject of emancipation are well expressed in 
a speech which he made on August 10, 1862, at 
the Methodist camp-meeting on Martha's Vine- 
yard. It was the same speech in which occurs 
his remark, since so often quoted : — 

" I know not what record of sin awaits me in 

limit of time Massachusetts could furnish a certain number of ad- 
ditional regiments, if the Federal Government should call for them, 
the passages in it which were especially denounced by those who 
at that time opposed the use of colored soldiers and the project of 
emancipation, were as follows : — 

" If our people feel that they are going into the South to help 
fight rebels who will kill and destroy them by all the means known 
to savages as well as civilized man ; will deceive them by fraudulent 
flags of truce and lying pretenses (as they did the Massachusetts 
boys at Williamsburg); will use their negro slaves against them 
both as laborers and as fighting men, while they themselves must 
never fire at the enemy's magazine, I think they will feel that the 
draft is heavy on their patriotism. But, if the President will sustain 
General Hunter, recognize all men, even black men, as legally 
capable of that loyalty the blacks are waiting to manifest, and let 
them fight with God and human nature on their side, the roads will 
swarm, if need be, with multitudes whom New England would pour 
out to obey your call. Always ready to do my utmost, I remain 
most faithfully," etc. 


the other world, but this I know, that I was 
never mean enough to despise any man because 
he was ignorant, or because he was poor, or be- 
cause he was black." 

Referring to slavery, he said : — 

" I have never believed it to be possible that 
this controversy should end, and Peace resume 
her sway, until that dreadful iniquity has been 
trodden beneath our feet. I believe it cannot, 
and I have noticed, my friends (although I am 
not superstitious, I believe), that, from the day 
our government turned its back on the proclama- 
tion of General Hunter, the blessing of God has 
been withdrawn from our arms. We were march- 
ing on, conquering and to conquer ; post after 
post had fallen before our victorious arms ; but 
since that day I have seen no such victories. 
But I have seen no discouragement. I bate not 
one jot of hope. I believe that God rules above, 
and that he will rule in the hearts of men, and 
that, either with our aid or against it, he has 
determined to let the people go. But the con- 
fidence I have in my own mind that the appointed 
hour has nearly come, makes me feel all the more 
confidence in the certain and final triumph of 
our Union arms, because I do not believe that 
this great investment of Providence is to be 


The allusion to the impending Proclamation 
of Emancipation by the President will be ob- 
served. Daily now for two years the Governor 
had not ceased to labor for it, in public and pri- 
vate. By speech and letter and personal appeal, 
by every appliance which wisdom and ingenuity 
could suggest, he had helped to work on the 
President for that end. But up to the final mo- 
ment he trembled lest Mr. Lincoln might not be 
equal to the emergency. He knew that Gen- 
eral McClellan had written to the President from 
Harrison's Landing, that " a declaration of radi- 
cal views, especially upon slavery, will rapidly 
disintegrate our present armies ; " and it was to 
strengthen the purpose of the President that he 
joined at this time in the project of the conven- 
tion of Governors at Altoona. His intention 
was to counteract the influence of McClellan and 
the " conservatives," by uniting the various 
States, through their chief magistrates, in an 
expression of loyalty and a pledge of support to 
the President in declaring emancipation as a mil- 
itary necessity. The plan had effect. The Gov- 
ernors were on their way to Altoona when the 
President anticipated their purpose, and pre- 
ferred to accept their support of an act already 
done rather than their counsel to do it. Gov- 
ernor Andrew was at Philadelphia when the 


Proclamation of September 22 appeared. He 
sent back to Boston that day an unofficial letter 
too characteristic to be omitted. 

" Philadelphia, September 22, 1862. 

"Dear A : Before starting for Altoona, 

I have telegraphed to Mr. Claflin, and I now 
write more fully to you. The Proclamation of 
Emancipation by the President is out. It is a 
poor document, but a mighty act ; slow, somewhat 
halting, wrong in its delay till January, but 
grand and sublime after all. ' Prophets and 
kings ' have waited for this day, but died without 
the sight. We must take up the silver trumpet 
and repeat the immortal strain on every hill-top 
and in every household of New England. Our 
Republicans must make it their business to sus- 
tain this act of Lincoln, and we will drive the 
4 conservatism ' of a pro-slavery Hunkerism and 
the reactionaries of despotism into the very caves 
and holes of the earth. The conquest of the 
rebels, the emancipation of the slaves, and the 
restoration of peace founded on liberty and per- 
manent democratic ideas ! Let this be our plat- 
form. No bickerings, no verbal criticism, no 
doubting Thomases, must halt the conquering 
march of triumphant liberty. Go in for the 
WAR. Hurry up the recruitments. Have 


grand war meetings all over the State. I hope 
our friends will begin at Faneuil Hall to-morrow 
night. Let not the rebels gain by delays, eith- 
er in Massachusetts or in the field. We can 
' knock the bottom out ' of the Hunker ' citizens' ' 
movement before ten days are gone. But tell 
Claflin, Sumner, Wilson, etc., etc., to strike 
quick. NoW) now, NOW ! Our cause is bright 
if we are true. 

Yours ever, 


The address to the President in which the 
Governors united on September 24 at Altoona, 
was written by Governor Andrew\ Those pas- 
sages which relate to the Proclamation of Eman- 
cipation were as follows : — 

" We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encour- 
aged hope the Proclamation of the President is- 
sued on the 22d of September, declaring eman- 
cipated from their bondage all persons held to 
service or labor as slaves in the rebel States 
where rebellion shall last until the 1st day of 
January now next ensuing. The right of any 
persons to retain authority to compel any portion 
of the subjects of the National Government to 
rebel against it or to maintain its enemies, im- 
plies in those who are allowed possession of such 


authority, the right to rebel themselves. And 
therefore the right to establish martial law or 
military government in a State or Territory in 
rebellion implies the right and the duty of such 
government to liberate the minds of all men liv- 
ing therein, by appropriate proclamations and 
assurances of protection, in order that all who 
are capable, intellectually and morally, of loyalty 
and obedience, may not be forced into treason 
and become unwilling tools of rebellious traitors. 
To have continued indefinitely the most efficient 
cause, support, and stay of the rebellion would 
have been, in our judgment, unjust to the loyal 
people whose treasure and lives are made a wil- 
ling sacrifice on the altar of patriotism ; would 
have discriminated against the wife who is com- 
pelled to surrender her husband, and against the 
parent who surrenders his child to the hardships 
of the camp and the perils of battle, in favor of 
rebel masters permitted to retain their slaves. 
It would have been a final decision alike against 
humanity, against the right and duty of the gov- 
ernment, and against sound and wise national 
policy. The decision of the President to strike 
at the root of the rebellion will lend new vigor 
to the efforts and new life and hope to the hearts 
of the people. 

" Cordially tendering to the President our re- 


spectfiil assurances of personal and official con- 
fidence, we trust and believe that the policy now 
inaugurated will be crowned with success, will 
give speedy and triumphant victory over our en- 
emies, and secure to this Nation and this People 
the blessing and favor of Almighty God. We 
believe that the blood of the heroes who have 
already fallen, and of those who may yet give 
their lives to their country, will not have been 
shed in vain." 

The coincidence of language in these closing 
phrases, with the famous sentence (written by 
Chief Justice Chase) at the end of President 
Lincoln's final Proclamation of January 1, 1863, 
is remarkable. 

Governor Andrew's letter of September 22, 
which has been quoted, contains, perhaps, the 
nearest approach to political partisanship which 
he manifested during the whole war ; and noth- 
ing save the opposition of the " citizens' " party, 
so called, in Massachusetts, to the policy of 
emancipation, could have drawn from him even 
that expression. Although thoroughly identified 
always with the political party with which he 
acted, until 1848 as a Whig, from then to 1854 
as a Free-Soiler, and after 1854 as a Republican, 
yet he was always a stranger to political intrigue. 
His original nomination for governor was effected 


(as has been alluded to) by a genuine popular 
impulse ; and although nominated and elected as 
a member of the Republican party, his policy of 
uniting all parties and classes in the support of the 
war sustained him in his independence of partisan 
influences. During his whole administration he 
never once consulted with the State Committee 
of his party as to any of his measures or appoint- 
ments, although its chairman, Hon. William 
Claflin (now Lieutenant Governor of the State), 
was one of his closest friends. Another close 
friend, but one whom no consideration of friend- 
ship ever restrained from telling unpalatable 
truths, and whose testimony thus has an added 
value (Hon. Francis W. Bird, who for some years 
was a member of his Executive Council), has re- 
corded his impressions of this trait of the Gover- 
nor's administration, in a series of interesting per- 
sonal reminiscences as follows : — 

" Governor Andrew had no ' kitchen cabinet.' 
By this I mean that the influence of any man or 
any set of men could never be traced as control- 
ling or materially affecting his policy or acts. 
He had, indeed, a remarkable faculty of finding 
the best men in the State to aid him in regard to 
any special measure ; and undoubtedly he availed 
himself very largely of the assistance of such 
men; but the methodizing, the organizing, the 


concentrating of the different materials, was 
always his own work. With original and inde- 
pendent ideas and convictions of his own upon 
the ultimate solution of our national controversy, 
he was in no danger of losing sight of the great 
end. At the same time, he recognized the fact 
that there were many men about him superior to 
himself in practical capacity to deal with methods, 
some in one department, some in another; but 
the superiority of those men upon special matters 
gave them no right to control his general policy ; 
and I think they never did. 

" The same is true in regard to appointments 
to office, both military and civil. No magistrate 
could apply himself more carefully, laboriously, 
and conscientiously, in filling any responsible posi- 
tion, to find the right man for the right place ; 
and while, in making appointments, he forgot 
himself absolutely, if it was possible for a human 
being to do so ; literally, as he used to say, never 
making an appointment to suit himself ; and while 
it always rejoiced him to oblige his friends, still 
no importunities of the dearest friends could in- 
duce him to make an appointment or recommend 
a measure which did not accord with his sense of 
public duty ; and I feel safe in saying that neither 
his worst enemies, nor his friends who may at 
times have felt disappointed or aggrieved by his 


decisions against their recommendation, ever so- 
berly believed that he acted under improper in- 
fluences from any set or clique ; and that, looking 
back over his whole administration, they cannot 
detect the influence of any one person or set as 
more potential or more constant than that of any 

Besides, he was avowedly adverse to all secret 
societies, whether of a social, or charitable, or 
religious, or political nature. In a letter which 
he addressed in May, 1865, to a gentleman who 
had written to him that some persons accused 
him of being swayed by a connection with the 
Masonic order, from signing the death-warrant 
of Green, the Maiden murderer, he said : "I 
authorize you to state that I never have been, 
am not, and expect never to be, affiliated or con- 
nected with, or a member of, any secret society 
whatsoever. Without intending to comment or 
reflect upon the views and action of others, I 
have never been able to satisfy myself of the 
expediency of the existence of any secret soci- 
eties in a free republic." 

This independence of partisan control alienated 
from him all the trading politicians, and would 
have broken down any ordinary man in caucuses 
and conventions; but he possessed a strength 
which was independent of small political man- 


agers. They were always against him ; and the 
influence of almost all the old leaders of his party 
was against him also, from the day he was first 
named for governor. This last he felt keenly, 
and often expressed himself concerning it in pri- 
vate ; but he was too magnanimous and public- 
spirited ever to resent it by reprisals upon them, 
although his opportunities were ample. As the 
world goes, it was a natural jealousy on their 
part. He had ridden into the lists, a stranger to 
the old heroes of the political tourneys of the last 
twenty years, and to their surprise and vexation 
had carried off all their accustomed prizes. Dur- 
ing the whole war, and after his return to private 
life, to the day of his death, he was unquestion- 
ably the first citizen of Massachusetts in the af- 
fection of the people and the estimation of the 
country. This they could never brook with 
patience, nor could they ever comprehend the 
manner of it. 

His unflinching exercise of the veto power 
also insured the opposition of that always large 
class of legislators who are too self-conscious of 
their own importance to appreciate the constitu- 
tional duty of the Executive. During his official 
term of five years he vetoed no less than twelve 
bills or resolves of the Legislature. So did his 
opinions concerning removals from office alienate 



that same class of men. Only two removals were 
made by him during the five years he was gov- 
ernor, and in each of those cases he filed written 
reasons for his action. In a few other instances, 
not half a dozen in all, he notified civil officers 
of his purpose to remove them unless they should 
tender their resignations, and in every instance 
he specified the causes of his determination. 

In his military appointments he never asked 
what were the political associations of the candi- 
dates, provided only they were loyal men. Gen- 
eral Butler, whom he designated to the command 
of the Massachusetts militia sent to rescue Wash- 
ington in 1861, had been the candidate of the 
Breckenridge party for Governor, in opposition 
to himself. Two years after the war began, he 
was not aware, in regard to half the colonels of 
the Massachusetts troops,, what had been their 
political connections, and was quite surprised 
when he was told one day, that, out of the first 
fifteen colonels of three years' volunteers whom 
he commissioned, only one third at the utmost 
had voted for Mr. Lincoln for President, while 
more than one third had voted for Mr. Brecken- 
ridge. When it is remembered that the vote of 
Massachusetts for Lincoln in 1860 was more than 
one hundred and six thousand, while for Breck- 
enridge it was only six thousand, the fact be- 
comes more significant. 


In regard to appointments over colored troops, 
however, he demanded not only loyalty and abil- 
ity, but sympathy with that arm of the service, 
as a qualification. With the employment of col- 
ored men as soldiers his fame is forever identified 
beyond that of any other man ; and no one had 
a clearer conception of the logical results of that 
employment upon the civil and political rights 
generally of that class of our people. In the 
very first week of the war, he wrote, concerning 
the enrollment of colored men in the militia, that 
personally he knew "no distinction of class or 
color in his regard for his fellow-citizens, nor in 
their regard for our common country." In the 
paramount duty of allegiance owed by colored 
and white men alike to the national government, 
he found a logical and legal solution of all the 
technical difficulties in the way of emancipating 
the slaves and employing them as soldiers. 

The policy of many of our commanders during 
the first year of the war, to expel from our mil- 
itary lines, if not to surrender as fugitive slaves, 
all colored men who there sought refuge, seemed 
to him not only inhuman but suicidal. He came 
into collision with General McClellan on the sub- 
ject, at a time when that officer was at the 
height of his own self-confidence, and when the 
country was reposing in him so blind a trust that 


he felt emboldened to stigmatize the Governor's 
opinion as disloyal in presuming to differ from 
his own. 

In the autumn of 1861, after the disastrous 
affair of Ball's Bluff, in which many of its gal- 
lant officers fell, and others, including its col- 
onel and major, w r ere made prisoners, the Twen- 
tieth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers 
remained on the Upper Potomac in a division 
commanded by Brigadier General Charles P. 
Stone, who on September 23, 1861 (just a year 
before President Lincoln's Emancipation Procla- 
mation), had issued a general order (No. 16), 
running as follows : — 

" The General commanding has, with great 
concern, learned that in several instances soldiers 
of this corps have so far forgotten their duty as 
to excite and encourage insubordination among 
the colored servants in the neighborhood of their 
camps, in direct violation of the laws of the 
United States, and of the State of Maryland in 
which they are serving. 

" The immediate object of raising and support- 
ing this army was the suppression of rebellion, 
and the putting down by military power of those 
ambitious and misguided people, who, unwilling 
to subject themselves to the Constitution and laws 
of the country, preferred the carrying out of 



their own ideas of right and wrong to living in 
peace and good order under the existing govern- 
ment. While, therefore, it should be the pride 
of every army to yield instan£ and complete obe- 
dience to the laws of the land, it is peculiarly the 
duty of every officer and enlisted man in this 
army to give an example of subordination and 
perfect obedience to the laws, and to show to 
those in rebellion that loyal national soldiers sink 
all private opinions in their devotion to the law 
as it stands." 

We have made so much progress since those 
days that it needs effort now to realize that " the 
law as it stands," thus referred to, meant the 
Fugitive Slave Law, and that the purport of this 
order, in plain English, was to enjoin upon the 
troops to send back to their masters fugitive 
slaves who had taken refuge within our military 

During November, 1861, in filling the vacan- 
cies made by the battle of Ball's Bluff, in the 
roster of officers of this regiment, Governor An- 
drew, on the recommendation of its lieutenant- 
colonel, had promoted one of the lieutenants to 
a superior rank. Soon afterwards he was ad- 
vised that this officer had been concerned in 
officiously returning some fugitive slaves. Im- 
mediately he wrote to the lieutenant-colonel 


stating what had thus been represented, and re- 
questing him, if the alleged facts were true, to 
inform the officer thus promoted, that had those 
facts been learned in season, the promotion would 
never have been made. Instead of replying to 
the Governor, whether or not the alleged facts 
were true (it proved afterwards that they were 
not), the lieutenant-colonel forwarded the Gov- 
ernor's letter to General Stone, who communi- 
cated it to General McClellan ; and, all the mili- 
tary gentlemen mentioned having worked them- 
selves into indignation at what they considered 
the Governor's presumption, some letters passed 
between him on one side, and General Mc- 
Clellan on the other, in which that officer 
read more honest and healthy doctrine than in 
those days often came to his eyes. The limits 
of this sketch forbid the insertion of the whole 
correspondence, but there is space to put on 
record some extracts from the concluding letters. 

That of General McClellan was dated on De- 
cember 20, 1861, and he wrote : — 

" In your letter the lieutenant-colonel is di- 
rected to convey censure and reprimand to an 
officer of his regiment for acts performed in the 
line of his military duty. If the officer referred 
to had been guilty of any infraction of military 
law or regulation, the law itself points out the 


method and manner for its own vindication, and 
the channel through which the punishment shall 
come. Any departure from this rule strikes im- 
mediately at the root of all discipline and subor- 
dination. The volunteer regiments from the 
different States of the Union, when accepted and 
mustered into the service of the United States, 
become a portion of the Federal army, and are 
as entirely removed from the authority of the 
Governors of the several States, as are the troops 
of the regular regiments. As discipline in the 
service can only be maintained by the strictest 
observance of military subordination, nothing 
could be more detrimental than that any inter- 
ference should be allowed outside the consti- 
tuted authorities." 

And, a few days afterwards (the Governor, 
meanwhile, having answered the above letter), ' 
General McClellan forwarded, as if expressing 
more fully his own sentiments, a copy of a letter 
addressed to himself by General Stone, dated 
December 15, in which that officer had trans- 
mitted to head-quarters the Governor's letter to 
the lieutenant-colonel, styling it " a most ex- 
traordinary letter," and " respectfully requesting 
the attention of the Major-General Commanding, 
in the hope that he may be able to devise meas- 
ures which shall in future prevent such unwar- 


rantable and dangerous interference with the 
subordinate commands of the army." 

After thus opening, General Stone contin- 
ued: — 

" The fact that most of the soldiers in the 
regiment referred to, were enlisted in the service 
of the United States, in the State of which the 
Governor referred to is the respected chief mag- 
istrate, does not, I conceive, give his Excellency 
a right to assume control of the interior dis- 
cipline of the regiment, nor does it give him 
authority to command the punishment of a meri- 
torious officer for any offense, either real or im- 

" Thousands of brave men gathered into the 
service of the Union (the whole Union), from 
five or more different States of the Union, are 
now serving in this division, and enduring un- 
murmuringly cold, hardship, and fatigue, simply 
because ambitious State officials at the South 
have unconstitutionally and lawlessly used their 
power to wrest from United States' officials the 
trusts confided to them by the nation. The 
usurpations of these ambitious State authorities 
commenced in much smaller matters than this, 
of assuming authority in a national regiment 
serving in the field against the public enemy, far 
removed from the State of which his Excellency 


is Governor ; and it matters little to me whether 
the usurpation comes from South or North, 
Georgia or Massachusetts ; I feel it my duty to 
bring the matter at once to an issue and, if pos- 
sible, to arrest the evil before its natural fruits 
(open rebellion) shall be produced. 

" The course of Major Anderson, one year 
since, in refusing to permit interference in the 
internal affairs of his command in Fort Sumter, 
on the part of the Governor of the State in 
which he was serving the Union, was eminently 
distasteful to the Governor of South Carolina ; 
nevertheless, Major Anderson's sense of duty 
prevented him from fulfilling that Governor's 
desires. Disagreeable as it may be to me to do 
anything distasteful to the Governor of any 
State of the Union, I do not feel that it is con- 
sistent with my sworn duty tp permit any Gov- 
ernor to give orders affecting the discipline of 
any regiment w T hich the Government of the 
Nation has entrusted to my command. I am 
not aware that there are here Michigan, New 
York, Pennsylvania, Minnesota, or Massachu- 
setts troops. I do know that there are here 
United States' troops collected from all these 
States, and that they are carefully taught that 
their duty is to serve the United States honestly 
and faithfully against all those w r ho set themselves 


in opposition to the Constitution and laws of the 
United States, whosoever the opposers may be. 

" I will merely add, for the satisfaction which 
I know it will give to the Major-General Com- 
manding, that I do not believe that in the in- 
stance of the officer referred to in the letter of the 
Governor, nor in any other instance, the orders 
of the War Department in reference to fugitive 
slaves have been violated by officers of this divis- 
ion ; and I am equally happy to state that in no 
instance within my knowledge and recollection 
(with one exception), have the laws, on the same 
subject, of the State of Maryland in which we 
are serving, been violated by officers of the di- 
vision. In that exceptional case the officer of- 
fending promptly retired from the service." 

The " issue " to which General McClellan and 
General Stone thus sought to " bring the mat- 
ter " was reached by a reply from the Governor, 
on December 30 ; and the whole correspondence 
was then laid by him before the President of the 
United States. In this reply, the Governor 
wrote : — 

" This letter of Brigadier General Stone which 
(taken in connection with your own letter, Gen- 
eral, to which I have already had the honor to 
reply), is thus adopted by you, and, at an interval 
of several days from my reply to yours, is thus 


forwarded to me without observation, as if with 
intentional indorsement of its statements, inter- 
pretations, and references, demands my attention. 

" Claiming no merit for myself which does not 
pertain equally to the humblest citizen of the 
Republic (which, thanks be to God, still lives, 
the refuge and citadel of Democratic Republican- 
ism of all the earth), I yet do proudly and 
serenely claim for the ancient Commonwealth 
over which it is my undeserved honor to preside 
as her Chief Executive Magistrate, and for the 
office which I occupy and strive to fill, and for 
my own administration of that office itself, the 
absolute right, — earned by history, — of repel- 
ling all that is said or insinuated in that letter. 
Without the alacrity, devotion to the Union 
cause, and energetic patriotism of Massachu- 
setts, where to-day had been the Government ; 
in whose hands the capital ; where, indeed, the 
Union itself? And where, since these troubles 
began, has been a person in any branch of ser- 
vice, who has devoted more hours of day and 
night to the simple, faithful, and untiring ser- 
vice of the President of the United States and 
his Department of War, in the cause of the 
country ? 

" Bred, myself, a lawyer, and educated in the 
Massachusetts school, not only of patriotism 


but of constitutional interpretation, I have been 
neither ignorant nor unmindful of the limitations 
of power, the proper jurisdiction and rights of 
the Federal Government, nor, as the correspond- 
ence with that government for the past nine 
months most amply shows, of the complete duty 
and right of that government to lead, and of 
my own duty in aiding and following it in the 
support of the rights and honor of us all. And 
now, at the end of my first official term, I can- 
not receive without a certain degree of honest 
resentment the more than insinuation contained 
in what is written by Brigadier General Stone, 
about ' the usurpations of these ambitious State 
authorities,' and the like. 

" The remark of that officer that ' the fact that 
most of the soldiers in the regiment referred to, 
were enlisted into the service of the United 
States in the State of which the Governor re- 
ferred to is the respected Chief Magistrate, 
does not, I conceive, give his Excellency a right 
to assume control of the internal discipline of the 
regiment, nor does it give him authority to com- 
mand the punishment of a meritorious officer for 
any offense, real or imaginary,' is the key to all 
the errors of fact and inference, and of all the 
impertinent remark which follows. 

"But, first, General, I beg to call your attention 


to the attempted belittling of the Commonwealth 
of Massachusetts, by the implication that all she 
had to do with the Twentieth Regiment was, 
that ' most of the soldiers ' were enlisted in 
'the State.' The regiment was raised in the 
State, under my authority, in response to a cer- 
tain requisition, not for soldiers, but for ' ten 
regiments. ,' from the Department of War. I 
appointed and commissioned its officers, and the 
regiment was recruited here, on our own soil, at 
Camp Massasoit in the town of Dedham and 
County of Norfolk, and marched from here to 
Washington with every kind of equipment and 
furniture recognized by the Army Regulations of 
the United States, and all of it provided and 
paid for by this Commonwealth, from its army 
wagons, ambulances, and horses, and its Enfield 
rifles (imported by Massachusetts from England 
under contracts made by an agent sent there by 
the State the next week after the fall of Sumter), 
down to shoe-strings and tent-pins. Nor did we 
omit to supply anything for which the gallant 
Colonel William Raymond Lee (now a prisoner 
in a felon's cell at Richmond), himself a regularly 
educated officer and distinguished graduate of 
West Point, suggested to me even a wish. 

" I would to Heaven that he were back now at 
the head of his regiment ; or that the Army of 


the Potomac were hammering at his prison-door 
with both hands — and neither hand averted to 
protect the institution which is the cause of all 
this woe. 

" But, next, please to notice the allegation that 
the Governor did ; assume control of the interior 
discipline of the regiment,' — an averment for 
which the letter to the lieutenant colonel affords 
no shadow of justification (the propriety of which 
letter was fully shown in my note to you of De- 
cember 24), unless I am to understand that it is 
wrong for Governors not to promote volunteer 
officers, who, in pretended obedience to army 
orders, break the laws in super-serviceable police 
work in aiding the pursuit of fugitive slaves. 

" The facts of which I wrote to the lieutenant- 
colonel were in equal violation of the laws of the 
United States and of the very General Order 
(No. 16) issued by Brigadier General Stone 
himself, and now forwarded, by copy, to me ; 
and I had, unwittingly, promoted the officer who 
was subsequently reported as guilty of the wrong. 
Brigadier General Stone, it seems, was shown 
my letter to the lieutenant colonel in which 
I spoke of the reported conduct in the tone its 
illegality and inhumanity alike deserved. If 
the facts were not true, it was plain my letter 
did not apply to them nor to the officer promoted. 


This Brigadier General Stone and the lieutenant 
colonel could see ; and they also saw and must 
know that my correspondence was not, either in 
substance or form, " a command of punishment." 
And the lieutenant colonel's duty, if in fact the 
young man had done only what he was compelled 
to do by superior authority, was to have informed 
me to that effect in reply. If otherwise, truth, 
justice, and duty required him to inform the offi- 
cer, named in my letter to him, that I had pro- 
moted him in ignorance of what had occurred. 

" I am sorry to perceive in the conduct of Brig- 
adier General Stone and of the lieutenant col- 
onel, & levity of mind which does not appreciate 
the responsibility of the grave duties with which 
the power of appointment charges the officer in 
whom it is vested." 

In the spring of the same year, while the 
Massachusetts troops were on their way to 
Washington, the Governor had had occasion to 
define his opinions on a kindred subject in a 
correspondence with General Butler, who was at 
the time a Brigadier in command of the Massa- 
chusetts militia, and not mustered into the United 
States' service. On the 23d of April, 1861, while 
the General, with the Fifth and Eighth Massachu- 
setts regiments, was at Annapolis, endeavoring 
to open communication with the beleaguered 


capital, one of his staff-officers, by his direction, 
telegraphed to the Governor that " this morning, 
hearing of a threatened slave insurrection, Gen- 
eral Butler tendered the forces under his com- 
mand to Governor Hicks for its suppression." 
It is not the purpose of this sketch to revive the 
difficulties which then and afterwards occurred 
between the Governor and General Butler ; but 
inasmuch as the reply of the latter to the letter 
which the Governor sent in answer to this dis- 
patch was published at the time, the present seems 
to be a proper occasion to place on record both 
sides of the correspondence. 

The Governor wrote on April 25, 1861 : — 
" I have received through Major Ames a dis- 
patch transmitted from Perryville, detailing the 
proceedings at Annapolis from the time of your 
arrival off that port until the hour when Major 
Ames left you to return to Philadelphia. 

" I wish to repeat the assurances of my entire 
satisfaction with the action you have taken, with 
a single exception. If I rightly understand the 
telegraphic dispatch, I think that your action in 
tendering to Governor Hicks the assistance of 
our Massachusetts troops to suppress a threat- 
ened servile insurrection among the hostile 
people of Maryland, was unnecessary. I hope 
that the fuller dispatches, which are on theii 


way from you, may show reasons why I should 
modify my opinion concerning that particular 
instance, but, in general, I think that the matter 
of servile insurrection among a community in 
arms against the Federal Union is no longer to 
be regarded by our troops in a political, but 
solely from a military point of view, and is to be 
contemplated as one of the inherent weaknesses 
of the enemy, from the disastrous operation of 
which we are under no obligation of a military 
character to guard them in order that they may 
be enabled to improve the security which our 
arms would afford so as to prosecute with more 
energy their traitorous attacks upon the Federal 
Government and Capital. 

" The mode in which such outbreaks are to be 
considered should depend entirely upon the loy- 
alty or disloyalty of the community in which 
they occur ; and in the vicinity of Annapolis I 
can, on this occasion, perceive no reason of mili- 
tary policy why a force summoned to the defense 
of the Federal Government, at this moment of 
all others, should be offered to be diverted from 
its immediate duty to help rebels who stand with 
arms in their hands obstructing its progress to- 
wards the City of Washington. I entertain no 
doubt that whenever we shall have an oppor- 
tunity to interchange our views personally on 


this subject, we shall arrive at entire concordance 
of opinion." 

The General, replying on May 9, 1861, and 
addressing the reply to the Governor as his com- 
mander-in-chief, after defending his action in the 
particular instance, on the ground that by reason 
of it " confidence took the place of distrust, 
friendship of enmity, and brotherly kindness of 
sectional hate," so that he believed that at the 
time he wrote there was " no city in the Union 
more loyal than the city of Annapolis," con- 
tinued : — 

" But I am to act hereafter, it may be, in an 
enemy's country, among a servile population, 
where the question may then arise as it has not 
yet arisen, as well in a moral and Christian as 
in both a political and military point of view. 
What shall I then do? Will your Excellency 
bear with me a moment while this question is 
being discussed ? I appreciate folly the force of 
your Excellency's suggestion as to the inherent 
weakness of the rebels arising from the prepon- 
derant servile population. The question then is, 
in what manner shall we take advantage of that 
weakness ? By allowing, and of course arming, 
that population to rise upon the defenseless 
women and children of the country, carrying 
rapine, arson, and murder, all the horrors of San 


Domingo a million times magnified, among those 
whom we hope to reunite with us as brethren, 
many of whom are already so, and those worth 
preserving will be when this horrible madness 
shall have passed away or been thrashed out of 
them ? Would your Excellency advise the troops 
under my command to make war in person upon 
the defenseless women and children of any part 
of the Union, accompanied by brutalities too 
horrible to be named ? You will say, God forbid. 
If we may not do so in person, shall we allow 
others to do so over whom we can have no re- 
straint and exercise no control, and who, when 
once they have tasted blood, may turn the very 
arms we put in their hands against ourselves as 
a part of the oppressive white race ? The read- 
ing of history, so familiar to your Excellency, 
will tell you the bitterest cause of complaint 
which our fathers had against Great Britain in 
the War of the Revolution was the arming by 
the British ministry of the red man with the 
tomahawk and the scalping-knife against the 
women and children of the colonies, so that the 
phrase ' May we not use all the means which 
God and Nature have put in our power to sub- 
jugate the colonies ? ' has passed into a legend 
of infamy against the leader of that ministry who 
used it in Parliament ? Shall history teach us 


in vain ? Could we justify ourselves to our- 
selves, although with arms amid the savage wild- 
ness of camp and field we may have blunted 
many of the finer moral sensibilities, in letting 
loose four millions of worse than savages upon 
the homes and hearths of the South ? Can we 
be justified to the Christian community of Mas- 
sachusetts ? Would such a course be consonant 
with the teachings of our holy religion ? I have 
a very decided opinion upon the subject, and if 
any one desires, as I know your Excellency does 
not, this unhappy contest to be prosecuted in 
that manner, some instrument other than myself 
must be found to carry it on. 

" I may not discuss the political bearings of this 
topic. When I went from under the shadow of 
my roof-tree I left all politics behind me, to be 
resumed only when every part of the Union is 
loyal to the flag and the potency of the Govern- 
ment through the ballot-box is established. 

" Passing the moral and Christian view, let us 
examine the subject as a military question. Is 
not that State already subjugated which requires 
the bayonets of those armed in opposition to its 
rulers to preserve it from the horrors of a servile 
war ? As the least experienced of military men, 
I would have no doubt of the entire subjugation 
of a State brought to that condition. When, 


therefore, unless I am better advised, any com- 
munity in the United States who have met me 
in honorable warfare, or even in the prosecution 
of a rebellious war in an honorable manner, shall 
call upon me for protection against the nameless 
horrors of a servile insurrection, they shall have 
it. And, from the moment that the call is 
obeyed, I have no doubt we shall be friends and 
not enemies. 

" The possibilities that dishonorable means of 
defense are to be taken by the rebels against the 
Government I do not now contemplate. If, as 
has been done in a single instance, my men are 
to be attacked by poison, or, as in another, 
stricken down by the assassin's knife, and thus 
murdered, the community using such weapons 
may require to be taught that it holds within its 
own borders a more potent means for deadly 
purposes and indiscriminate slaughter than any 
which it can administer to us." 

The Governor never replied to this letter. 
He deemed it a communication unjustifiable by 
anything contained in his own letter to which it 
purported to be in reply, and improper under 
any circumstances from a subordinate to his com- 
mander-in-chief; and he was impressed, rightly 
or wrongly, that the writer, looking forward to 
a speedy peace, wished to get on record some- 


thing that should be available for renewing old 
political associations, and misconstrued his let- 
ter of April 25 for that purpose. And this 
grieved him ; for, giving himself up so entirely 
to the country's cause, and accepting, against 
all his own old sentiments, the instrumentali- 
ties of war, by which alone that cause could 
be maintained, he looked for equal self-abne- 
gation in others. 

But the ensuing year brought great changes, 
both in measures and in men. On January 1, 
1863, General McClellan, having lost command 
of the Army of the Potomac, was seeking to 
retrieve his fortunes by the political aid of the 
northern opponents of the war ; and General 
Butler had just been superseded in command at 
New Orleans, after a political administration of 
that city in which he had been firmly supported 
by the Governor, notwithstanding his conduct in 
Massachusetts while gathering troops for the 
Louisiana campaign ; and after which he would 
hardly have repeated such a letter as was his of 
May 9, 1861 — at least not in answer to such a 
letter as was the Governor's of April 25. 



He obtains official sanction of the Federal Government to the en- 
listment of colored troops. — He raises the Fifty-fourth and 
Fifty-fifth Massachusetts (colored) regiments. — Contest for their 
equal rights with white troops in pay and rank. — Antagonism 
with the War Department on these questions. — Appeal to the 
President. — The Attorney General overrules the legal position of 
the Secretary of War. — Correspondence with the President. — 
Correspondence with Thaddeus Stevens. — He finally triumphs 
and secures the rights of his colored soldiers. — His aid of enlist- 
ment of colored soldiers everywhere. — He procures organiza- 
tion of Freedmen's Inquiry Commission. — Services in behalf 
of the freedmen. — Opposition to system of arbitrary arrests in 
Loyal States. — He declines to take part in the Surratt trial. 

At last, on January 26, 1863, the official 
sanction of the National Government was granted 
to the raising of colored troops. At a per- 
sonal interview with the Secretary of War, 
that day, at Washington, concerning the coast 
defenses of Massachusetts and the garrison of 
Fort Warren, the Governor obtained from him 
written authority to raise " volunteer companies 
of artillery for duty in the forts of Massachusetts 
and elsewhere, and such companies of infantry 
for the volunteer military service as he may find 
convenient." With his own hand the Governor 


then added to the writing, after the words quoted, 
the further words, " and may include persons of 
African descent organized into separate corps," 
and presented it to the Secretary for his signa- 
ture ; and it was signed. ■ 

Hardly daring to communicate to the authori- 
ties at Washington the extent of his purposes 
under this authority, for fear lest it should be 
revoked, he hastily returned with it to Boston, 
and, the very day of his arrival, began the work 
of raising the famous Fifty-fourth Regiment of 
Massachusetts Infantry at the camp at Readville. 
It was a proud and happy day for him, that bright 
May morning when it stood, complete, before 
the State House, the equal of the best Massa- 
chusetts regiments which had preceded it, in the 
quality, discipline, and equipment of the men, 
and the character of the officers ; and when he 
marched between its ranks down Beacon Street 
to the old parade-ground of the Common, and it 
passed him there in review in the presence of 
more than fifty thousand spectators ! 

The Fifty-fifth Regiment, in all respects a 
worthy companion of the Fifty-fourth, followed 
it to the field ; and, after them, was raised and 
sent a fine regiment of colored cavalry. But the 
triumph over prejudice was not yet complete. 
The right of the colored soldier to equality with 


his white companions in arms remained to be 
vindicated. This, in respect to pay, the Gov- 
ernor effected after a long legal struggle over the 
case of the chaplain of the Fifty-fourth, a colored 
man ; and in respect to rank, after another long 
struggle over the cases of certain lieutenants 
whom he had promoted from among the enlisted 
men of the same corps on the recommendation 
of their superior officers. 

In this contest for the rights of the colored 
troops differences arose between him and the 
Secretary of War, which never were reconciled. 
The men of the Fifty-fourth Regiment, after the 
bloody assault on Fort Wagner, found them- 
selves denied by orders of the War Department, 
their pay as soldiers, when they came to the 
pay-table, but were tendered pay as cooks and 
ditchers and stevedores, which they unanimously 
refused to accept. They appealed for justifica- 
tion to the Governor, under whose assurances 
of their equal rights with all other soldiers they 
had been enlisted ; and he appealed to the Secre- 
tary, under whose assurances he had enlisted 
them, and demanded the reason for this discrim- 
ination between them and the white troops who 
also had been enlisted under the same order of 
January 26, 1863. The Secretary thereupon 
sheltered himself behind a legal opinion of the 


Solicitor of his Department. The Governor 
indignantly denied the correctness of the- Solici- 
tor's law, and appealed to the President, who 
referred the subject to the Attorney General of 
the United States, Mr. Bates, who overruled the 
opinion of the Solicitor ; and at last the men re- 
ceived their due, but not until after they and 
their families had endured indescribable misery, 
for more than a year intervened before their 
justification was complete. The Governor sum- 
moned the Legislature of Massachusetts in extra 
session, in the autumn of 1863, and procured 
an appropriation out of which to pay the Massa- 
chusetts colored regiments, in this default of the 
United States, and sent paymasters to South 
Carolina with the money ; but the men refused 
to accept from the State as a gratuity what they 
claimed from the United States as a right. 

The intensity of the Governor's indignation 
at the monstrous injustice knew no bounds. The 
opinion of the Attorney General, reversing that 
of the Solicitor, was rendered on April 23, 1864. 
Weeks then elapsed without any reversal by the 
War Department of its action. The Governor 
then, on May 13, 1864, appealed again to the 
President in the following letter : — 


" Commonwealth of Massachusetts, > 
Boston, May 13, 1864. } 

" To the President of the United States : — 

" Sir : I respectfully call to the attention of 
your Excellency the case of the Reverend 
Samuel Harrison, lately chaplain of the Fifty- 
fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Infantry Vol- 
unteers, and to the communication which I had 
the honor to address to your Excellency on the 
twenty-fourth day of March last, and the decis- 
ion of the Attorney General of the United States 
on the questions of law involved in the case, 
which decision was submitted by him to your 
Excellency under date of the twenty-third day 
of April last and concluded in the following 
words, namely : — 

" ' Your attention having been specially called to the 
wrong done in this case, I am also of opinion that your 
constitutional obligation to take care that the laws be 
faithfully executed, makes it your duty to direct the Sec- 
retary of War to inform the officers of the Pay Depart- 
ment of the Army that such is your view of the law, and 
I do not doubt that it will be accepted by them as furnish- 
ing the correct rule for their action. 

" ' (Signed) EDWARD BATES, 

Attorney General. 
11 (Addressed) ' To the President." 

" As a proper representative of Chaplain Har- 
rison and also of all the non-commissioned officers 
and privates of the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-fifth 


Regiments of Massachusetts Infantry Volunteers, 
the rights and interests of all of whom are in- 
volved in the settlement of the legal questions 
aforesaid, — after having waited during a reason- 
able time for the consideration of the subject by 
your Excellency, — I do hereby respectfully 
claim, and, so much as in me lies, I do by this 
appeal to your Excellency hereby demand, of 
and from the Executive Department of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States the just, full, and 
immediate payment to all the aforesaid officers and 
men, of the sums of money now due to them as 
volunteer soldiers of the United States serving in 
the field, according to the 5th Section of the 9th 
Chapter of the Acts of Congress of the year 1861, 
placing the officers, non-commissioned officers and 
privates of the volunteer forces in all respects, as 
to pay, on the footing of similar corps of the 
regular army. 

" Already these soldiers, than whom none have 
been more distinguished for toilsome work in the 
trenches, fatigue duty in camp, and conspicuous 
endurance and valor in battle, have waited dur- 
ing twelve months, and many of them yet 
longer, for their just and lawful pay. 

" Many of those who marched in these regi- 
ments from this Commonwealth have been worn 
out in service, or have fallen in battle on James' 


Island, in the assault upon Fort Wagner, or in 
the affair of Olustee, yielding up their lives for 
the defense of their native country, in which they 
had felt their share of oppression, but from which 
they never had received justice. 

" Many also yet linger, bearing j honorable 
wounds, but dependent upon public charity 
while unpaid by the Government of the Nation 
the humble wages of a soldier, and sick at heart 
as they contemplate their own humiliation. 

" Of others, yet alive and remaining in the ser- 
vice, still fighting, and wholly unpaid, the fami- 
lies have been driven to beggary and the alms- 

" These regiments, Sir, and others situated like 
these, stung by grief and almost crazed by pangs 
with which every brave and true man on earth 
must sympathize, are trembling on the verge of 
military demoralization. Already one man of a 
South Carolina regiment raised under the orders 
of Major-General Hunter with the same inter- 
pretation of the laws of Congress now given by 
the Attorney General of the United States, has 
suffered the penalty of death for the military 
offense of mutiny by refusing further obedience 
to his officers, and declaring that by its own 
breach of faith the Government of the United 
States had released him from his contract of en- 


listment as a soldier. The Government which 
found no law to pay him except as a nondescript 
or a contraband, nevertheless found law enough 
to shoot him as a soldier. 

"In behalf of the sufferings of the poor and 
needy, of the rights of brave men in arms for 
their country, of the statutes of Congress, and 
of the honor of the Nation, I pray your Excel- 
lency to interpose the rightful power of the Chief 
Executive Magistrate of the United States, who 
is bound by his oath c to take care that the laws 
be faithfully executed;' and by its immediate 
exercise to right these wrongs. 

" I have the honor to remain 

" Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

The Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts." 

Even again, on May 27, the Governor ad- 
dressed the President, fortifying the opinion of 
Attorney General Bates by reference to the 
similar opinion of William Wirt, when Attor- 
ney General in 1823, on a similar question of 
legal interpretation ; but from some cause which 
it remains for history to disclose, the President 
did not, and the Secretary of War would not, 

Even after all this there was delay of weeks, 


almost of months; and finally the Governor 
appealed from the Administration to Congress, in 
a letter to Thaddeus Stevens, on June 4, 1864 ; 
which, after reciting the legal arguments he had 
urged upon the President and Secretary of War, 
for justice to the colored troops, ended with this 
passionate outburst : — 

" It is a shame for the Administration to wait 
for an act of Congress, knowing now what the 
law really is, and what it has always been held 
to be, even so long ago as the days of Madison 
and Monroe. But, since the Administration does 
wait, then Congress ought to act, and by legisla- 
tive voice declare the law. For one, I will never 
give up my demand for right and justice to these 
soldiers. I will pursue it before every tribunal. 
I will present it in every forum where any power 
resides to assert their rights and avenge their 
wrongs. I will neither forget nor forgive, nor 
intermit my effort, though I should stand unsup- 
ported and alone ; nor though years should pass 
before the controversy is ended. And if I should 
leave this world with this work undone, and there 
should be any hearing for such as I elsewhere in 
the Universe, I will carry the appeal before the 
tribunal of Infinite Justice." 

Under the pressure of legislation threatened 
in Congress, the War Department at last sue- 


cumbed ; and the men were paid in conformity 
with the orders and the law as the Governor had 
construed them from the first. His triumph was 
complete ; but through what anxiety and misery 
had he and his colored soldiers passed to win it ! 
Nevertheless, during the whole period, his zeal 
for the employment of colored men as soldiers 
did not relax in the slightest ; for, having faith 
in democratic government, he had faith in the 
will of the American people to do justice on any 
and every question when brought to their com- 
prehension ; and he believed not only that the 
liberties of the colored race, but that the destinies 
of the country itself were involved in this ques- 

So he aided in the recruiting of colored 
troops everywhere ; through Major Stearns in 
Tennessee ; through General Wild in North 
Carolina; through General Ullmann in New 
Orleans. The records of the State House are 
full of testimony of his constant services in this 
behalf; and at the same time he was unremitting 
in service generally for the freedmen. It was in 
great part through his efforts that in March, 1863, 
the original Inquiry Commission, of which Rob- 
ert Dale Owen was chairman, was appointed by 
the War Department to examine and report upon 
the condition of the freedmen then newly eman- 


eipated. In all the societies organized in Massa- 
chusetts, during the ensuing months, for their care 
and education, he was an active participant. And 
when at last the Freedmen's Bureau was created, 
he extended constant sympathy and support to 
Major-General Howard. Recognizing that Mas- 
sachusetts was pledged, above every other State, 
to defend and justify the policy of emancipation, 
he felt a double duty in the cause — as a magis- 
trate and as a man. 

Well might the colored citizens of Boston re- 
solve, after his death, that " the colored soldiers 
and sailors will ever remember that it is to him 
they are indebted for equal military rights before 
the law; " but the poor colored women and chil- 
dren who ran by the side of the hearse over the 
whole of its long route from Boston to Mount 
Auburn, rendered a more touching tribute to his 
benefactions to their race than ever can be ex- 
pressed by the most eloquent eulogy. To them 
and such as they he was always accessible, and 
his heart and hand were always open. 

Besides the question of the rights of colored 

troops, another on which he differed widely from 

the course of the Central Government was as to 

the power of arbitrary arrest so loosely exercised 

in the loyal States by the Federal Secretaries of 

State and War ; and it was through his known 


determination to support the courts of the Com- 
monwealth in enforcing the liberty of any citizen 
who should appeal to them for protection, that 
Massachusetts was not made a field, like some 
other States, for the operations of the military 
police of Brigadier General Baker.* Abuse of 
the freedom of speech, even in criticism of the 
government during most trying periods, was, to 
his mind, an evil less dangerous than its repres- 
sion by unlawful power, whether of a Secretary 
or a mob. In his address to the Legislature the 
month after the beginning of the war, he said : — 
" It is impossible that such an uprising of the 
people as we have witnessed, so volcanic in its 
energy, should not manifest itself here and there 
in jets of unreasonable passion and even of vio- 
lence against individuals who are suspected of 
treasonable sympathies. But I am glad to be- 
lieve that respect for every personal right is so 
general and so profound throughout Massachu- 
setts that few such demonstrations have occurred 
in our community. Let us never, under any 
conceivable circumstances of provocation or in- 
dignation, forget that the right of free discussion 
of all public questions is guaranteed te^ -very 
individual on Massachusetts soil, by the settled 
conviction of her people, by the habits of her 
* The chief of the secret police of the War Department. 


successive generations, and by express provisions 
of her constitution. And let us, therefore, never 
seek to repress the criticisms of a minority, how- 
ever small, upon the character and conduct of 
any administration, whether State or National." 

The very faith in the principles of democratic 
government which filled him with such ardor in 
support of the war, inspired him with apprehen- 
sion of the consequences of despotic use of 
power by the Federal Administration ; and this 
influenced largely his theory of the proper meth- 
od of reconstruction. To such proceedings as 
the trial of Mrs. Surratt by military commission 
at Washington, in usurpation of the functions of 
the civil courts which were there in open exer- 
cise of appropriate jurisdiction, he was totally op- 
posed ; and when, a year later, a retainer was 
offered to him by the Secretary of State to con- 
duct in behalf of the Government the trial of 
her son, he peremptorily refused to accept it, lest 
thereby he should commit himself to justifying, 
even indirectly, the course of procedure against 
the mother. 



Reverence for history of Massachusetts. — Fondness of old asso- 
ciations. — Official dignity. — His body-guard. — Care of Har- 
vard College. — Theories concerning education in Massachusetts. 
— Schools of agriculture and mechanic arts. — Letter of Count 
de Gasparin. — Views of the true future of New England. — 
Testimony of Mr. Evarts and Mr. Godwin to the hopes enter- 
tained of his future national career. 

The Governor had a filial reverence for the 
history of Massachusetts, and studied it faith- 
fully. He was a member of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, and was president of the New 
England Historical and Genealogical Society. 
At the time of his death he was engaged in col- 
lecting materials for an historical essay on the 
Siege of Louisburg. Among the minor meas- 
ures which he persistently urged upon the Leg- 
islature until they adopted it, was a recommen- 
dation to preserve the record of our Provincial 
statutes, by transcribing a copy of them which 
exists in the library of a gentleman of Norfolk 
County. Few men possessed more thorough 
knowledge of the unwritten history of our stat- 
ute law. He was very fond of certain stately 
old provisions of the Constitution of the Com- 


monwealth, which in these democratic days it 
would hardly be possible to reenact if the Con- 
stitution were now to be framed anew ; such as 
the recital of reasons for establishing by law per- 
manent and honorable salaries for the Governor 
and the justices of the Supreme Judicial Court, 
and the whole chapter concerning Harvard Col- 
lege. Even in little things he manifested the 
same love of old associations. He took an al- 
most boyish satisfaction in discovering that there 
existed in the office of the State Printer an old 
font of type, by means of which his first Thanks- 
giving-day Proclamation could be printed in pre- 
cisely the same style in which he had seen those 
of Governor Brooks and Governor Eustis when 
he was a boy, and when they used to be issued 
on a broad sheet which hung over the pulpit cush- 
ions when the preachers read them. 

By virtue of the same quality of mind, although 
he was delightfully familiar with his official asso- 
ciates, and in respect to freedom of access by 
the public was informal beyond precedent, yet 
he was a lover of ceremonial, when it did not 
interfere with what was essential and practical. 
He had as keen sensibility of the dramatic as 
of the mirthful, and in this sensibility found a 
great source of inspiration. Of the dignity of 
his office he was a jealous guardian. No better 


evidence of that fact can exist than is to be 
found in his printed correspondence with Major- 
General Butler, in 1861 and 1862. In all his 
official intercourse with the legislative body he 
maintained scrupulously the traditional ceremo- 
nies. The day of the Annual Election Sermon 
was one of great delight to him. Marching to 
the Old South Church, under the escort of 
his body-guard and surrounded by his associates 
in the government of the Commonwealth, it was 
easy to see in his face, as he passed down the old 
and narrow streets, the noble consciousness that 
he was no unworthy successor of John Winthrop 
and Samuel Adams. 

The sentiment which grew up between him 
and his body-guard was something beyond pre- 
vious example. There was hardly a member of 
it whose official respect for him was not mingled 
with personal affection ; and though he had been 
a private citizen again for two years when he 
died, yet it was under their familiar escort that 
his mortal remains passed to their last place of 

This veneration for the history and traditions 
of Massachusetts had much to do with his earn- 
est care of Harvard College. The fact that it 
was the constitutional college, so to speak, was 
an irresistible claim upon his official regard, and 


in its foundations he recognized the most avail- 
able basis for building up, what the framers of 
the Constitution anticipated, a " University." 
He clearly foresaw how Massachusetts, by the 
limitations of its territory, must become rela- 
tively less and less powerful, man for man, than 
newer States of greater area. The method by 
which he expected to maintain the ascendency 
of this State against such inevitable odds, was by 
making the Massachusetts man count for more 
on the destiny of the country than the man of 
anv other State. For this he looked to facilities 
for broader and deeper education here than can 
be obtained elsewhere in America. It is impos- 
sible to over-estimate the importance he attached 
to ingrafting this policy on the legislation of the 
State, and the regret he felt that it was not ap- 
preciated and adopted by the Legislature on the 
occasions when he urged it, especially in refer- 
ence to the land grant of the United States for 
schools of agriculture and the mechanic ' arts. 
His inaugural address to the Legislature of 1863 
contains a full exposition of his views on the 
subject, which, however, seemed to be appre- 
ciated more truly by scholars and thinkers all 
over the world, than by the respectable body to 
which they were addressed. 

In illustration of the cordiality with which they 


were received by our best friends in Europe many 
proofs might be cited from the Governor's corres- 
pondence. There is room here only for a single 
letter, of the Count de Gasparin ; which is 
interesting also as a recognition by that warm 
friend of America, of the wisdom of the policy 
of reconstruction advocated by his correspondent 
more fully, two years later, in his valedictory ad- 
dress upon retiring from office at the close of the 

" Valleyres, Canton de Vaud, 
Suisse, 9 Juin, 1863. 


" Monsieur : Vous avez bien voulu me faire 
envoyer des documents que je viens de lire avec 
un vif int^ret, et dont j'^prouve le besoin de vous 

, " Quel noble histoire que celle de Massachu- 
setts! Quel grand role remplit la Nouvelle 
Angleterre tout entire depuis la r^volte odieuse 
du Sud ! Je comprends bien que les champions 
de l'esclavage vous detestent plus par jalousie et 
que certaines imaginations perverties de l'Ouest 
revent une Confederation qui serait d6barrass£e 
de vous. 

" Tenez bon, je vous en supplie ! Continuez a 
appuyer purement et simplement le gouverne- 
ment de M. Lincoln. Ne vous divisez pas ! et 
vous verrez que malgr£ quelques fautes (surtout 


dans la direction de la guerre) vous finirez par 
atteindre le but. 

" Ce serait un bien grand jour, celui ou FUnion 
serait r^tablie, ou Fesclavage serait definitivement 
aboli, ou la prosp£rit£ du Sud serait fondle sur 
de nouvelles et plus sures bases, oii la diminu- 
tion rapide de Parm^e serait d6cr£t6e, ou les 
Etats-Unis commenceraient a revenir vers leurs 
petits armies et leurs petits budgets, ou les mes- 
ures de repression et de confiscation seraient 
abolies ! Non seulement il faut r^tablir FUnion, 
mais il faut la r^tablir au profit de la liberte ; et 
ce second objet est plus important encore que le 
premier. Si vous aboutissez a une regime de 
dictature militaire et d'oppression, de garnison 
dans le Sud, il y aurait lieu de s'affliger beau- 

" Mais j'ai de meilleures esp^rances. Je les ai 
surtout lorsque je vois ces adresses si remarqua- 
bles ou respire un sentiment de patriotisme, de 
liberalisme, et de vraie pi£t£. Vous priez ! Vous 
regardez a Celui qui seul peut vous delivrer! 
Soyez sur qu'il vous reserve de grandes benedic- 

" Parmi les sujets que vous traitez, je suis frappe 
de votre projet relatif a Fenseignement sup^rieur 
agronomique. Mon p6re avait donn6 vie a un 
projet pareil, mais FInstitut de Versailles a suc- 
comb6 sous le poids des n6cessit6s politiques. 


" Vous connaissez l'int^ret profond que m'in- 
spirent les Etats-Unis. Cet int^ret n'a pu que 
s'accroitre par la lecture des documents que je 
dois a votre obligeance. 

" Permettez, Monsieur, que de loin je vous serre 
respecteusement la main, en priant Votre Excel- 
lence de croire a mes sentiments de haute estime 
et de devouement. 

"A. de GASPARIN." * 

* The following is a translation of the letter in the text : — 

Valleyres, Canton op Vaud, ) 
** Switzerland, June 9, 1863. > 

" Sir: I have just read, with a lively interest, the documents 
which you were so kind as to cause to be sent to me, and for which 
I feel the need of expressing to you my thanks. 

" What a noble history is that of Massachusetts ! What a grand 
part all New England has played since the odious revolt of the 
South! I fully comprehend how the defenders of Slavery hate 
you the more from jealousy, and how certain perverted imagina- 
tions in the West dream of a confederation which shall be inde- 
pendent of New England. 

" Remain steadfast, I beg you ! Continue to support purely and 
simply the government of Mr. Lincoln. Never divide, and in 
spite of some errors (especially in the management of the war) you 
will end by attaining your object. 

" It will be indeed a great day when the Union shall be reestab- 
lished, and when Slavery shall be definitively abolished ; when 
the prosperity of the South shall be founded upon new and surer 
bases ; when the rapid disbanding of the army shall be ordered ; 
when the United States shall once more return to their small 
armies and small budgets ; when the measures of repression and 
confiscation shall be abolished ! 

"It is not only necessary to reestablish the Union, but to re- 
establish it in the interest of Liberty, and this second object is even 
more important than the first. If you end by adopting a military 


In an address which the Governor delivered 
before the New England Agricultural Society on 
September 9, 1864, the nature of the occasion 
permitted him to introduce the same subject, and 
to treat it more rhetorically than was possible on 
the previous occasion mentioned. Anticipating 
the end of the rebellion, he said : — 

" I have not failed to perceive nor to exult in 
the thought of the boundless possibilities of 
grandeur and beneficent power which pertain 
to the future of our America. I do not forget 
that when the national jurisdiction over all our 
States and Territories shall resume its unques- 
tioned sway, and our national career shall begin 

dictatorship and measures of oppression such as garrisons in the 
South, there will be great reasons for regret. But I have better 
hopes, and especially when I see these remarkable addresses 
breathing such a sentiment of patriotism, liberality, and true piety. 
You pray ! You look to Him, who alone can deliver you ! Be sure 
that God reserves for you great blessings. 

" Among the subjects of which you treat I am struck with your 
project relative to a superior agricultural instruction. My father 
originated a similar project, but the Institute of Versailles had 
to give way under the weight of political necessities. 

" You know the profound interest with which the United States 
inspire me. This interest could only be increased by reading the 
documents you have obliged me by sending. 

" Permit me, Sir, though at a distance, respectfully to press your 
hand, praying your Excellency to believe me 

" With sentiments of the highest esteem 

and devotion, yours, etc., 



anew, the accelerated increase of wealth and of 
population in their necessary distribution and 
diffusion will, year by year, constantly diminish 
the relative material strength of these North- 
eastern States. The broad lands, the deep soils, 
the cheap farms, the coal mines, the gold fields, 
the virgin forests, the oil wells, the cotton plant, 
and the sugar cane, of the West and of the 
South, of the Gulf and of the Pacific coast, can- 
not fail in their attractions. The swelling tide 
of immigrant populations will flow across these 
Atlantic borders to those alluring homes and 
seats of industry. Along with many better men 
will come the greedy adventurers, some of them 
ignorant, some of them sordid, unblest by filial 
love or patriotic sentiment, to seize the opportu- 
nities of golden fortune. The wild chase for 
gain, the allurements of Nature herself, the 
temptations of that fevered life which distin- 
guishes the youth of society in fertile and fruit- 
ful States, containing within themselves of 
necessity a certain measure of social and public 
danger, suggest to us in advance the duty and 
the destiny of New England. 

" She is to be, in the long and transcendent 
future of the Republic, the great conserving in- 
fluence among the States. For nearly two cen-« 
turies and a half, already, have her people kept 


the vestal fire of personal and public liberty 
brightly burning in her little town democracies. 
Obedient to order, and practicing industry as well 
as loving individual freedom, they have acquired 
at last an instinct which discriminates between 
license and liberty, between the passion of the 
hour and the solemn adjudications of law. They 
possess the traditions of liberty, they inherit ideas 
of government, they bear about in their blood 
and in their bones the unconscious tendencies of 
race, which rise almost to the dignity of recollec- 
tions and which are more emphatic and more 
permanent than opinions. Bjfrthe toil of more 
than seven generations they have acquired and 
hold in free tenure their titles and their posses- 
sions. The dignity of the freehold, the sacred- 
ness of the family, the solemnity of religious 
obligation, the importance of developing the in- 
tellect by education, the rightful authority of 
government, the rightfulness of property fairly 
earned or inherited, as flowing from the inalien- 
able self- ownership of man and the rights of 
human nature ; the freedom of worship, the idea 
of human duty, expanded and enforced by the 
consciousness of an immortal destiny, are alike 
deeply imbedded in the traditions and convictions 
of the immense and controlling majority of our 


" If there is aught which men deem radical- 
ism, or fear as dangerous speculation, in our 
theology or our politics, I call mankind to bear 
witness that there is no child so humble that he 
may not be taught in all the learning of the 
schools, no citizen so poor that he may not aspire 
to any of the rewards of merit or honorable ex- 
ertion, not one so weak as to fall below the equal 
protection of equal laws, nor one so lofty as to 
challenge their restraints ; no church nor bishop 
able to impose creed or ritual on the uncon- 
vinced conscience ; no peaceful, pious worship 
which is unprotected by the State. Thus liberty 
stands, and the law supports liberty ; popular 
education lends intelligence to law and gives 
order to liberty, while religion, unfettered by 
human arbitration between the soul of man and 
the throne of the Infinite, is left free to impress 
the individual conscience with all the sanctions 
of its supreme behests, and of its celestial 

" Your past history is a record of many great 
lives and great actions ; of men, to our way of 
thinking now oftentimes found narrow and even 
obstinate, but yet heroic and sincere ; of genera- 
tions worthy to bear along and hand down the 
precious seeds from which have sprung the ideas 
and institutions that give dignity and welfare to 
a nation. 


" Agriculturists ! Yeomen of New England ! 
Be faithful to her ideas, to her history, her insti- 
tutions and her character. Behold and adorn 
your Sparta ! Reclaim and cultivate the untilled 
lands which still comprise more than two-thirds 
the area of the six New England States. Deepen 
and widen the foundations of your seminaries and 
schools of learning ; encourage genius as well as 
industry. Invite hither and hold here the pro- 
found thinkers, the patient students of nature, 
those tireless watchers who wait upon the stars, 
or weigh the dust upon an insect's wing. Dis- 
card and discourage alike the prejudices of igno- 
rance, and the conceits of learning. Remember 
that, even to-day, there is no man so wise that 
he understands the law which regulates the rela- 
tion of any fertilizer to any crop ; that few have 
ever observed the mystery of that wonderful in- 
fluence of the first impregnation of the dam 
upon the future offspring of whatever sire ; that 
the origin and contagion of the cattle disease or 
pleuro-pneumonia, remain hitherto without ade- 
quate scientific exploration ; that the practical 
farmers and men of science all combined under- 
stand as little the destructive potato-rot which 
concerns the economy of every farm and every 
household, as the aborigines who first descried 
the Mayflower understood of the poems of 


Homer or the philosophy of Aristotle. Not 
undervaluing the past achievements of science, 
remember how infinite the extent and variety of 
the conquests which yet remain to her. Let me 
exhort you also to bear in mind, that the great 
discoverers of knowledge are like prophets, ap- 
pearing but seldom, and on great occasions ; that 
all genius is an intellectual century-plant, and 
that he who would make the time great, and the 
people noble, must not confound the mere dis- 
tribution of commonplace facts, elementary or 
traditional knowledge, with those conquests and 
acquisitions which flow from patient and original 

" The uses and influence of true learning, the 
power which flows from its sincere cultivation, 
are so great and enduring, that were it a task 
and not all a delight, I would not cease to urge 
and advocate, in this presence, the duty which is 
imposed on a people possessing the opportunities 
of our own. To all peoples, to all sections, as to 
each individual man, are open their separate 
careers. They can forfeit their places: but they 
can scarcely exchange them. You of New 
England may forget that you are of the stock 
that produced Jonathan Edwards, but you can- 
not make the cotton plant flourish in New 
Hampshire. You may turn your backs in 


jealousy or disdain on Bowdoin and Dartmouth 
and Harvard and Brown and Yale. You may- 
set the village sexton above Cleaveland or Silli- 
man or Agassiz. But when you have declined 
the sceptre of knowledge, you have not made 
the Merrimac or the Connecticut navigable like 
the Ohio, the Missouri, the Mississippi, or the 
Cumberland. You will win no glory by any 
narrow competition, or by returning one railing 
word for another. Your greatness must be found 
hereafter where it has been found hitherto, in 
the highest development and cultivation of the 
faculties of men. Let thoughtless politicians 
propose to leave New England out in the cold, 
if they choose. I think the world will keep a 
warm place for her while Vermont leads the 
hemispheres in the intelligence and success of 
her sheep breeding, while Alvan Clark makes a 
telescopic object glass which is the marvel of 
astronomers, while the new Museum of Zoology 
at Cambridge exceeds, in the variety and extent 
of many important classes of specimens, the more 
renowned museums of London and Paris. Of 
what account will be the sneers at Massachusetts 
of those 'who hold it heresy to think,' so long 
as one man's labor in Massachusetts is found by 
the census to be as productive of real wealth as 

the labor of five men in South Carolina, while* 


the annual earnings of her industry exceed the 
annual earnings per capita of any other commu- 
nity in the world ? Schools, colleges, books, the 
free press, the culture of the individual every- 
where, the policy of attracting, encouraging and 
developing all the great qualities of the head 
and heart, — in a word, the production and 
diffusion of Ideas, — in these shall rest for ever 
the secret of your strength to maintain your true 
position. I implore you to unite and not divide, 
in your policy. Whenever you can create a 
great school or find a great professor, unite to 
strengthen the school and to make sure of the 
man. Our system of diffusing knowledge 
through the local schools, our plan of distribu- 
ting elementary instruction, are things of which 
we are sure. But your district schools will 
themselves go to seed, your knowledge will be- 
come bigoted and mean, unless you remember 
that the encouragement of these higher institu- 
tions from which they are fed and where their 
teachers are themselves taught, is as needful as 
the creation of the head of water above the dam 
is to the spindle's point. 

" I beg to exhort you, then, to put faith in 
Ideas ; in the orderly arrangement of knowledge ; 
in the power to search out the hidden things of 
nature ; in the practical application of the highest 


and largest truth to the wants and affairs of 
man's daily life. Lead off, representative farmers 
of New England, and let this dear, old, rocky 
homestead of thought and of liberty, remain for 
countless ages the fountain of generous culture, 
science, learning, and art ! Your influence will 
tell then, with beneficent and forever expanding 
power, on the destiny of the nation. You will 
live — the true conservatives of the civil state 
and of social life — ' exempted from the wrongs 
of time and capable of perpetual renovation.' ' 

Entertaining views so clear of the future re- 
lations of New England to the Union, and 
devoted so loyally to its welfare, it is almost 
impossible to overestimate the influence he would 
have exerted on that future, had he been spared 
to that limit which we assign as the full term of 
human life. 

Mr. William M. Evarts, addressing a meeting 
to commemorate his services, truly said : " We 
do not, I fear, sufficiently appreciate the very 
great position which Governor Andrew had 
gained for himself at the age which he had 
reached. In this country, in whatever pursuit 
we attempt success, to whatever we devote our 
abilities and our labors, we all do our own climb- 
ing. It will be found that in the vast area of 
public influence in national affairs, no man fairly 


gains the position which can make him, known 
until he reaches the age of fifty. Mr. Webster, 
than whom no other man in our time has made a 
greater personal impression of talents and of 
power, was of the age at which Governor Andrew 
died, when he made his speech in the Senate in re- 
ply to Hayne. And how large a proportion of the 
admirers of Mr. Webster as an orator, a states- 
man, and a man of intellect, date their whole 
knowledge and appreciation of his eminence, 
not to say his preeminence, from that manifesta- 
tion of his authority and his power. 

" Governor Andrew led a life, the importance 
and the value of which up to this time cannot be 
overestimated. Besides his direct authority in 
his own State, who can measure the influence 
which he exerted over the colder natures or the 
duller intelligences of the public men of other 
States with whom he was brought in contact ! 
Yet we do not err at all when we say and feel 
that up to the time of his death, to human ob- 
servation, he had been preparing himself and 
gaining that opinion of mankind, that fame which 
after death is superior to power in life, which was 
to enable him to fill a greater, a wider, and a 
more useful part in the future of our country. 

" All this is now disappointed. We see that 
what seemed preparatory, what seemed to be 


but a collection of means and power for the 
greatest need of statesmanship in this country, 
was not so designed by Providence, unless his 
mantle may fall upon, unless his influence may 
guide, unless his spirit may imbue his country- 
men for this severe trial of public virtue and 
ability — the process of reconstruction. But 
whatever may happen to us or to our country, 
we are sure that Governor Andrew's name and 
fame are safe. He will go down with the whole, 
complete, genuine heroic fame of Governor 
Samuel Adams of the Revolution, and of James 
Otis. Nobody shall divide his honors ; none shall 
disparage his repute. Fortunate in his life, 
complete in the distinction which he had gained, 
useful for others, gloriously for himself, he has 
lived and he has died." 

And, to illustrate how the appreciation of 
what Governor Andrew had accomplished, as 
well as the hope of yet greater public services 
from him, were common to patriotic men of every 
school of political construction, some of the re- 
marks with which Mr. Parke Godwin preceded 
Mr. Evarts on the same occasion, may here be 
quoted : — 

" Governor Andrew," he said, " always 
seemed lo me one of those unusual combina- 
tions of intellect with heart that constitute the 


groundwork of a truly great individuality. His 
intellect was clear, sagacious, and strong; and 
his heart was at once tender and sympathetic, 
yet brave, hopeful, and manly ; both equally com- 
prehensive and capacious. Simple as a child in 
his manners ; gentle as a woman in his affections ; 
earnest as the enthusiast in his persuasions of 
truth, and steadfast as the martyr to his own 
interior faith ; he was yet prudent, moderate and 
wise as the statesman, in his action. Indeed, 
without disparagement of others, I may say that 
Governor Andrew exhibited, in a higher degree 
than most men, the rare qualities that distinguish 
the statesman from other forms of human char- 
acter. He was the statesman as the statesman 
differs from the mere politician on one side and 
the simple philanthropist on the other. With 
none of the politician's spirit of intrigue or self- 
seeking, he had more than the politician's sagac- 
ity and foresight. With all the philanthropist's 
benevolence and zeal, he had more discernment, 
providence, and wisdom than ordinarily falls to 
that manner of men. His sensibilities enticed 
and ennobled his judgment, but his judgment 
never surrendered the reins to his sensibilities. 
The fire of his love blazed high, showing the 
path on every side of him, but never so high as 
to confuse the pure light of his reason. 4 The 


perfect lawgiver,' says Macaulay, ' is a just 
temper between a mere man of theory who can 
see nothing but general principles, and the mere 
man of business who can see nothing but partic- 
ular circumstances.' In Governor Andrew the 
two extremes were happily blended. He had 
faith in the ideal, the infinite, the perfect, and 
therefore was a man of principle ; but he had 
knowledge also of the actual, the limited, the 
circumstantial, and therefore he was a man of 
methods. His aims were never too lofty to be 
practicable, and his actions never so low as to 
swerve from the direction of his aims. Politics 
with him was a science of truth, but it was at 
the same time an art of adjustment, of the ad- 
justment of that which is, to that which ought to 
be, but by processes that are sure and therefore 
steady in their results, and not by jerks and leaps 
which exhaust themselves in the very effort. 
Inflexibly honest in his own convictions, his sin- 
cerity always identified him with his cause ; 
while his kindliness and justness won him the 
respect and esteem of those who hated his cause. 
This was because he worked by persuasion, not 
blows; by the persuasions of argument and 
character, and not force ; by the law of love, 
and not the love of law or rule. In these 
respects he often struck me as a man of the 



ancient mould, of that grand pattern framed in 
earlier days ; of the stamp and rank of the rev- 
olutionary statesmen, the Madisons, the Hamil- 
tons, the Jays, who saw truth and clung to it 
with their inmost hearts, but who did not over- 
look or disdain the means of making that truth ef- 
fective in institutions and measures — men whose 
clearsighted and far-reaching vision, penetrating 
the difficulties of the present, expanded into a 
prescience of the developments of the future, 
for which they provided. 

46 How nobly were all these qualities exhibited 
during the brief official career of Governor An- 
drew ! With what marvelous foresight he had 
prepared his State for the war while others were 
yet debating whether there would be a war ! 
With what magnetism a single word in his dis- 
patch concerning the Massachusetts soldiers who 
fell in Baltimore, that their bodies should be 
4 tenderly ' cared for and sent home, touched 
all our hearts even to tears ! How, through all 
the dreary and protracted struggle he was always 
equipped, always cheerful, and always in the 
advance ! How the good Lincoln knew that 
there was one shoulder at least upon which he 
could ever lean his weary hands for support! 
And how, when the deadly strife was over, was 
the sense of justice tempered with the spirit of 


magnanimity, so that he prosecuted peace with 
the same ardor that he had prosecuted war. 
O, what a loss is such a man to his personal 
and political friends ! What a greater loss to 
his State, which he had ruled, in Milton's words, 
6 with a mind extended and of the divinest met- 
tle ! ' What an incomparably greater loss still 
to the Nation, to whose future councils he would 
have brought so much of insight, prudence, gen- 
erosity, courage, and justice ! May we not say 
of him, as Fisher Ames said of Hamilton, that if 
we w r eep to think of what he was, the very soul 
grows liquid at the thought of what he might 
have been ! " 




His sensibility. — Anxiety concerning conduct of affairs at Wash- 
ington. — Causes of his death. — His cheerful and mirthful dis- 
position. — Special subjects of study. — Favorite amusements. 
— Administration of domestic affairs of the State. — Opposition 
to capital punishment. — Communications to the Legislature. — 
His manuscript. — His social conversation. — His eloquence. — 
His pecuniary means. — He resumes practice at the bar on re- 
tiring from office, refusing various public stations. — Familiarity 
with the Bible. — Religious catholicity. — The return of the 

By nature the Governor's sympathies were 
strong and deep, and the instances of private dis- 
tress which he was called to see during the war 
wore on him terribly. Gradually he became 
accustomed to repress external manifestations of 
emotion, but his sensibilities were not blunted by 
use. Internally he endured what only those to 
whom he opened his heart can ever know. Per- 
haps the actual wear and tear was increased by 
this suppression of external signs; and, besides 
his private sympathies, there were anxieties as 
to the course of public affairs which he felt 
keenly beyond description, but which, for the 
sake of the public welfare, he concealed from ob- 


servation. Never shunning responsibilities, yet 
he was fully conscious of their weight. In illus- 
tration of this, one extract from a letter which he 
wrote on January 14, 1863, to his friend, Mr. 
Bird, may here be quoted : — 

" We are not to be saved in Washington by 
any machinery whatever. We can be saved, 
and that after we shall have passed through a 
great purgation, only by a revival of the religion 
of patriotism, and the power of a resurrection 
getting its hold on our own friends who are set 
for the defense of the people and the truth which 
is their salvation. Floundering along, without 
clear purpose, wise, united, and practical states- 
manship, without any real head, how can we be 
victorious ? I write to you what I dare not say 
aloud. I see what is terrible, and yet am not 
terrified. But it is well that one should not 
venture to say needlessly things calculated to 
alarm others, unless those others can administer 
the cure. 

" The truth is, I have never found in many 
men in Washington what I call realizing sense, 
practical sagacity, and victorious faith. Numb- 
ness, flightiness, selfishness, and all sorts of lit- 
tlenesses, not singular in times of general pros- 
perity when men are not summoned to be great, 
but astounding at a moment when men should 


be giants, and pigmies should be men — .these 
strike me always, when I visit Washington, as 
the qualities most apparent and the uppermost. 
Where is the union of noble spirits? Where 
the few noble and unselfish hearts, to be the uni- 
versal solvent, melting all others into union ? 
Where is the grand good sense, which is the 
great trait of every great person in affairs ? 
Why ! we can't pay our army even, when money 
is cheap and is spent like water! There is 
enough of contentious criticism — too much — 
but little of the ' pull together ' quality needed 
to the very existence of a party, even ; much 
more of a people. We have very able men in 
Washington. But they have very little idea of 
what God made them for, or else He means to 
show how much He can do for us without their 
aid ! Now, for one, I am bound to be patient. 
I think we may even have to suffer great Dem- 
ocratic, secession, pro-slavery political defeats ; 
that the Republicans may have to be driven out 
of power, and the cause of liberty and right have 
to win its way back again, in travail of soul; 
but all these experiences will pay a recompense 
in the end ; will help assure the great hereafter ! 
We must make up our minds now that we are 
6 in for a long storm.' May God help his own 
to be faithful to the end ! " 


These causes combined with his unrelaxing 
toil to shorten his days. In those five years 
of his administration he tasted the cares and 
sorrows, the hopes and joys, and concentrated 
the labors of a century of ordinary life ; and 
such an experience aggravated his tendency to 
the disease which at last was fatal. No soldier 
struck by a rebel bullet on the battle-field died 
more truly a victim to the national cause. For 
many years he had known that he was liable to 
sudden death. Twice, during the period be- 
tween his first election and the end of the war, 
he was saved from a fatal issue of attacks sim- 
ilar to that from which he died, only by profuse 
bleedings which themselves endangered life. 
The first time was in December, 1860, shortly 
before his inauguration. The second was in 
1864, when he had engaged to speak, in behalf 
of the reelection of President Lincoln, to mass- 
meetings in all the principal towns on the line 
of the New York Central Railroad, from Albany 
to Buffalo, but was compelled to desist before 
completing the route. But this knowledge did 
not depress him, nor did it ever induce him to 
seek for personal ease or relaxation of toil, at 
the cost of others. 


One great source of consolation and relief he 
possessed in a naturally mirthful disposition. It 


was more than cheerful : it was merry. He had 
as quick and lively perception of the ludicrous 
as President Lincoln himself, and his anecdote 
was free from coarseness. Of the Yankee dia- 
lect he was a master. He had studied it ana- 
lytically, just as he studied the intricacies of the 
typical Yankee character. The every-day life 
of the country villages of New England, of their 
shops, farm-yards, stage-coaches, taverns, sew- 
ing-circles, and household firesides, was familiar 
to him in all its details, and served him con- 
stantly for illustrations of stories which he told 
with a hearty enjoyment it excites a smile to re- 
member. This mirth was so natural that it 
sought and found material for its exercise in all 
the affairs of his daily business, serious or trivial ; 
but it never betrayed him into levity, nor was it 
tinged in the slightest degree with sarcasm, al- 
though it was often full of satire. It helped him 
greatly to be indifferent to little mishaps and an- 
noyances, of which, during his whole adminis- 
tration, there was a daily multitude that would 
have vexed and perplexed any man of less ani- 
mal vigor and buoyant spirit. 

He had a good voice and ear for music ; but 
all the musical training he ever enjoyed was that 
of the village singing-school. It was enough, 
however, to encourage him always to join and 


often to take the lead in congregational singing, 
and his earnestness always carried him safely- 
through the psalm-tunes, and the others with 
him. Like all simple and enthusiastic natures, 
his was easily stirred by melody. He delighted 
in martial music ; and no school-boy ever trained 
along through village streets by the side of the 
brass-band at the parade of a militia company 
with more charmed ear than he. But this taste 
was never far cultivated. He had little scientific 
acquaintance with the theory of music ; although, 
curiously enough, he possessed a minute knowl- 
edge of the history of the development of the 
piano-forte, of which, through some odd fancy, 
he had made a special study. His knowledge 
of this and of some other specialties, not con- 
nected with his official or professional life, af- 
forded him often much amusement bv the sur- 
prise they caused. One day, last summer, a 
friend was relating to him a curious incident, il- 
lustrating the theory of spiritualism, connected 
with an old spinnet, still preserved at Paris, 
which once belonged to a favorite musician at 
the court of Henry III. of France. In explana- 
tion of the incident the narrator was exhibiting 
some photographs of the instrument, and describ- 
ing its construction, when, to his astonishment, 
he found that the Governor was even more fa- 


miliar with all the details of it than he was him- 

In his address to the medical students, from 
which, in this sketch, some quotations have al- 
ready been made, speaking from his own expe- 
rience, he said : — 

" The concurrent pursuit of some department 
of learning not in the direct line of your profes- 
sional necessity I hold to be wanted for the in- 
tegrity and health of your own minds. It calms, 
elevates, restores the jaded powers, clears the 
intellect, cools the judgment, and raises the 
moral tone. It makes life less a drudgery, and 
more a liberty and a joy. From morbid anat- 
omy; from human physiology which you must 
perforce study always in connection with dis- 
ease ; from the thought of sick men and mortal- 
ity, turn aside for some precious moments every 
day, and be devout, happy scholars and freemen 
of the universe ! " 

His favorite amusement was to drive far out 
into the country around Boston with some inti- 
mate friend, and at last, when clear of the thick- 
ly settled suburbs, leaving the horse to travel 
almost at his own will, to abandon himself to a 
hilarity than which none could be more simple 
and genuine. Driving thus in the fresh spring 
air along the beautiful roads of Watertown or 


Newton, fringed and fragrant with apple blossoms, 
he would overflow with a spring-tide of anecdote 
and humor. But he allowed himself few such 
holiday hours. Almost all his excursions from 
the city combined an element of business with 
what pleasure they afforded. Was it a sleigh- 
ride on a clear, crisp, Sunday morning in Jan- 
uary ; the object would be to attend the dedi- 
cation of a soldiers' chapel at the Readville 
Camp, or the services in the chapel of the State 
Prison, or to sit for an hour by the bedside of 
some invalid soldier. Was it a drive into the 
green of the country, in the twilight of a sum- 
mer evening ; the horses would not turn their 
heads homeward without first stopping at the 
State Arsenal in Cambridge, the United States 
Arsenal at Watertown, the camps at Brook 
Farm or Medford, or the State charitable insti- 
tutions at South Boston. 

After the first year of the war he was accus- 
tomed to travel a good deal through the State in 
the summer season, but always on some official 
task which robbed him of a great part of the 
pleasure of the journey ; and more than half 
the time he travelled by night, so as to save the 
daylight for business. On these excursions he 
would attend the Commencements at Amherst 
and Williams Colleges, the Wesleyan Academy, 



and the College of the Holy Cross ; inspect the 
work on the Hoosac Tunnel ; be present at the 
Agricultural Fairs, and the closing of the terms 
of the Normal Schools ; examine insane hospi- 
tals, alms-houses, jails, and houses of reformation 
and correction ; besides visiting the numerous 
military camps, at Pittsfield, Greenfield, Spring- 
field, Worcester, Groton, Wenham, Lynnfield, 
and Lakeville, and the great camp at Readville. 
How delightful he made these journeys to oth- 
ers, by his shrewd observation, lively wit, unfail- 
ing good temper, and ardor for everything that 
was charitable or patriotic, the happy recollec- 
tions of those who had the privilege of being his 
companions will forever attest. As a rule, he 
disliked to talk in railroad cars. He was fond 
of occupying hours of railway travel with com- 
mitting to memory English verses ; and this is 
the explanation of his facility of poetical quota- 
tion. One summer, in this way, he committed 
to memory the whole of Mr. Longfellow's selec- 
tion of minor poems, the " Waif." And he used 
to employ these hours also with comparing, in his 
own mind, his observations of the public institu- 
tions under his care, and drawing from them 
some wise generalization, which he rarely failed* 
at last to apply to some practical purpose. 

His administration of the domestic affairs of 


the State was as remarkable as that of its rela- 
tions to the Union. The Board of State Char- 
ities was instituted, on his recommendation, for 
the purpose of effecting uniformity in the or- 
ganization, discipline, and expenditures of the 
various charitable and reformatory institutions. 
The repeal of a constitutional amendment impos- 
ing disabilities on adopted citizens was accom- 
plished at his instance. The militia laws were 
revised and amended. A system for improving 
the long neglected but very valuable public 
property in the flats which might be redeemed 
from the sea, was projected. The policy of 
increasing facilities for railroad communication 
with the Northwest and the Northeast was dili- 
gently fostered. 

For all his communications to the Legislature 
and his formal addresses to public bodies, he 
made elaborate preparation, and freely com- 
manded and used the work of others in their 
details. Burdened as he was with care, it would 
have been impossible for this to be otherwise. 
Whether preparing for a professional argument 
or an official message, he was fond of laying in 
supplies and carefully organizing and drilling his 
forces before beginning to move, and then of 
moving en masse. At the time he died he had 
already begun to prepare a scheme of testimony 


and argument for such an elaborate attack upon 
the system of capital punishment, which he was 
planning to make before a committee of the 
present Legislature. 

He had the habit of sending his manuscript to 
the printer with the various sheets pasted to- 
gether into a long roll like a mammoth petition ; 
and he made revisions in the proofs with a free- 
dom which drove the compositors to despair. 
The handwriting, though bold and flowing, was 
far from legible ; and his signature, towards the 
end of his official life, became a puzzle to stran- 
gers. He made a practice of signing, himself, 
almost all the correspondence of his office. One 
summer, having (with his usual pains to satisfy 
even trivial inquiries) replied, over his own sig- 
nature, to the request of a country schoolmis- 
tress to be informed, three months in advance, 
what day he would appoint for Thanksgiving, 
she sent back the letter with a suggestion that 
when replying to "a woman," he should write 
himself instead of sending the letter of some 
secretary whose name she could not read. His 
fair correspondent had better cause of complaint 
about the day than about the handwriting, for, 
that year, the Governor, attracted by the fact 
that the third Thursday of November was the 
anniversary of the signing of the compact on 


board the Mayflower, designated it for Thanks- 
giving ; and the next day after his Proclamation 
he received a multitude of indignant letters from 
pedagogues, of either sex, all over the State, 
whose vacations had been planned upon a pre- 
sumed appointment of the last Thursday of the 
month, according to a time-honored custom from 
which he never afterwards ventured to depart, 
for (he used often laughingly to say) that morn- 
ing's mail contained more abuse better expressed 
than any other he ever received. 

His social talk was just like his speech in pub- 
lic. His public speeches, at least those made 
without preparation, were often effective, for 
this very reason, beyond the degree which the 
written reports of them seem to justify, if 
judged by a rigid standard of classical style. 
The natural exuberance of his language and the 
heartiness of his manner made him remarkably 
successful as an impromptu speaker ; and it will 
be hardly possible for those who never knew or 
heard him to appreciate the wonderful influence 
which he exercised, through this faculty, during 
the war.* Hardly a day passed, certainly never 

* As an example of this, Lieutenant Colonel Wilder Dwight, of 
the Second Massachusetts Regiment, who fell at Antietam, the 
Sidney of our Massachusetts youths, once told the writer that he 
never went under fire without repeating to himself the words with 
which the Governor described to the Legislature the uprising of 


a week passed, during his administration, without 
some call for its use, and he never failed to win 
and command the audience, whether the occa- 
sion was a recruiting meeting, the departure of 
a regiment, the anniversary of a college, the 
morning exercises of a Sunday-school, the relig- 
ious services at a prison, the " love feast " at a 
camp-meeting, or the festivities of a dinner-table. 
If the test of eloquence is success in exciting 
emotion at the will of the speaker, he was, 
throughout the war, one of the most eloquent of 
men ; but unquestionably a great part of this in- 
fluence was due to the events of the time, and 
the universal admiration of his public career, 
which predisposed every audience to be moved 
by his presence. By the critical tests of ora- 
tory, one would hesitate to call him a great 
orator. He will be ranged with that class of 
public speakers of which John Bright is an emi- 
nent representative ; and many of the secrets 

the country after the fall of Sumter: " The guns pointed at Fort 
Sumter on the twelfth day of April, while they reduced the 
material edifice and made prisoners of its garrison, announced to 
Anderson and his men their introduction into the noble anny of 
heroes of American history ; and the cannon of the fort, as they 
saluted the American flag when the vanquished garrison — uncon- 
querable in heart — retired from the scene, saluted the immortal 
Stripes and Stars, flaming out in ten times ten thousand resurrec- 
tions of the flag of Sumter, on hill-top, staff and spire, hailed by 
the shouts and joyful tears of twenty millions of freemen." 


of the power and charm of the two men were 
the same. Some of his addresses, made after 
careful preparation, and many of his sayings in 
impromptu speeches, will endure as long as the 
history of Massachusetts. 

His pecuniary means were always small; so 
that he was debarred from an extensive exercise 
of private hospitality, and less of official business 
was associated with his domestic life than is often 
the case with men so genial. At the time when 
he became Governor his professional practice, ill- 
paid through many previous years, had recently 
begun to be lucrative. But his term of public 
service was so long, and its duties had been so 
absorbing, that when he retired from office in 
January, 1866, his circle of clients was entirely 
broken up, and he felt a reluctance to resume 
former professional pursuits, which only the pres- 
sure of necessity enabled him to overcome. Be- 
sides, he needed rest ; and, had his circumstances 
permitted the leisure to enjoy it, his life might 
have been spared. But the bar offered the field 
in which to earn most surely and honorably the 
competency needed for his family. So, declining 
a proposal of the presidency of Antioch College, in 
Ohio ; and also the offer gracefully made to him 
by his successor, Governor Bullock, of a seat on 
the bench of the Supreme Court of the State ; 


and declining also a commission from the Federal 
Government to go to England and France, to in- 
stitute proceedings in behalf of the United States, 
in the courts of those countries, to compel the sur- 
render of Confederate property, he resumed pro- 
fessional life at Boston ; and with such success 
that when he died he was gathering its largest 
pecuniary rewards as well as its highest honors. 
Had he been willing, he might have retired upon 
a national office comparatively a sinecure ; but he 
reserved himself for more worthy duties. The 
office of Collector of Customs of the port of Boston 
fell vacant at the end of the war, and an intima- 
tion was conveyed to him from the President of 
the United States that if he would accept it, the 
President would be glad to appoint him ; but he 
instantly rejected the suggestion, and the place 
was then filled by the appointment of Mr. Ham- 
lin, whose term of service as Vice President had 
recently expired. Conversing with a friend on 
the subject soon afterwards, the Governor re- 
marked that it was the most lucrative public 
office in the New England States, and as it had 
been the habit to intrust it to men who had held 
other high official stations and rendered large 
public service for inadequate pay, he supposed it 
was tendered to him in accordance with that 
practice ; " but," added he, " I can accept no 


such place for such a reason. As Governor of 
Massachusetts I feel that I have held a sacrificial 
office, that I have stood between the horns of the 
altar and sprinkled it with the best, blood of this 
Commonwealth — a duty so holy that it would 
be sacrilege to profane it by any consideration of 
pecuniary loss or gain." 

Metaphorical language like this, gathered from 
the Testaments, was as natural on his lips as if 
he were himself an Oriental. Few laymen were 
more familiar with the Bible, or had studied it 
with a more earnest spirit of devout criticism. 
The beautiful interpretation of the miracle of 
Cana, which he gave in his argument on the pro- 
hibitory liquor law in reply to the version of the 
clergyman who had argued the other side of the 
question, is a fine illustration of this familiarity, 
and of the catholicity of his religious doctrines. 
He was always a member of the Unitarian body 
of Christians, and for many years was the official 
head of its lay organization ; but no man was less 
a sectarian in creed or practice. His face was 
well known in places of worship of every denom- 
ination. His three closest clerical friends were 
his Unitarian pastor, a Roman Catholic priest, 
and Father Taylor, the Methodist preacher to the 
sailors. One Easter morning he had agreed to 
go with his secretary to service at a Roman 


Catholic church, and that gentleman, when he 
called for him at the appointed hour, received a 
hastily written note, stating that he might be 
found at the little Quaker meeting-house in Mil- 
ton Place, where he had gone to listen to his 
dear friend, Mrs. Rachel Howland. 

Scores of illustrations of this catholic spirit 
might be written but for trespassing upon the 
province of his biographer. A faithful biography 
of Governor Andrew will be a complete history 
of Massachusetts during the civil war ; not alone 
of its connection with the war, but of all its do- 
mestic affairs, none of which escaped his anxious 
care. It has been the only design of the present 
writer, while sketching familiarly and affection- 
ately, not so much the substance as the manner 
of his official life, to show how, even in little 
things, he exerted the same strong personal mag- 
netism by which he inspired the people of Massa- 
chusetts in his greater acts, and how with him 
always, in all things, little or great, the spirit was 
everything, the letter nothing. 

His final term as Governor expired January 
5, 1866, five years to a day from the date of his 
first inauguration. On December 22, 1865, the 
anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims at 
Plymouth, the flags of the hundred Massachusetts 


regiments and batteries which he had organized 
for the war, were borne through the streets of the 
capital of Massachusetts by the veterans who had 
survived the conflict, and were delivered to the 
hands of the Governor at the State House. 

In delivering them, Major-General Couch, the 
commander of the column, said : — 

" May it please your Excellency : We have 
come here to-day as the representatives of the 
army of volunteers furnished by Massachusetts 
for the suppression of the rebellion, bringing these 
colors in order to return them to the State which 
intrusted them to our keeping. You must, how- 
ever, pardon us if we give them up with profound 
regret — for these tattered shreds forcibly remind 
us of long and fatiguing marches, cold bivouacs, 
and many hard-fought battles. The rents in 
their folds, the battle-stains on their escutcheons, 
the blood of our comrades that has sanctified the 
soil of an hundred fields, attest the sacrifices that 
have been made, the courage and constancy 
shown, that the nation might live. It is, sir, a 
peculiar satisfaction and pleasure to us that you, 
who have been an honor to the State and Nation, 
from your marked patriotism and fidelity through- 
out the war, and have been identified with every 
organization before you, are now here to receive 


back, as the State custodian of her precious relics, 
these emblems of the devotion of her sons. May- 
it please your Excellency, the colors of the Mas- 
sachusetts Volunteers are returned to the State." 

The Governor replied : — 

" General : This pageant, so full of pathos and 
of glory, forms the concluding scene in the long 
series of visible actions and events in which Mas- 
sachusetts has borne a part, for the overthrow of 
rebellion and the vindication of the Union. 

" These banners return to the Government of 
the Commonwealth through welcome hands. 
Borne, one by one, out of this Capitol, during 
more than four years of civil war, as the symbols 
of the Nation and the Commonwealth, under 
which the battalions of Massachusetts departed to 
the field, — they come back again, borne hither 
by surviving representatives of the same heroic 
regiments and companies to which they were in- 

" At the hands, General, of yourself — the rank- 
ing officer of the Volunteers of the Commonwealth 
(one of the earliest who accepted a regimental 
command under appointment of the Governor of 
Massachusetts) — and of this grand column of 
scarred and heroic veterans who guard them 
home, they are returned with honors becoming 


relics so venerable, soldiers so brave, and citizens 
so beloved. 

" Proud memories of many a field ; sweet mem- 
ories alike of valor and friendship ; sad memories 
of fraternal strife ; tender memories of our fallen 
brothers and sons, whose dying eyes looked last 
upon their flaming folds ; grand memories of 
heroic virtues sublimed by grief; exultant mem- 
ories of the great and final victory of our Country, 
our Union, and the Righteous Cause ; thankful 
memories of a deliverance wrought out for human 
nature itself, unexampled Jby any former achieve- 
ment of arms — immortal memories with immor- 
tal honors blended, twine around these splintered 
staves, weave themselves along the warp and 
woof of these familiar flags, war-worn, begrimed, 
and baptized with blood. Let ' the brave heart, 
the trusty heart, the deep, unfathomable heart,' 
in words of more than mortal eloquence, uttered 
though unexpressed, speak the emotions of grate- 
ful veneration for which these lips of mine are 
alike too feeble and unworthy. 

" General : I accept these relics in behalf of 
the People and the Government. They will be 
preserved and cherished, amid all the vicissitudes 
of the future, as mementoes of brave men and 
noble actions." 



Valedictory address. — Description of the occasion. — He opposes 
political proscription, whether of white or of black men. — He is 
not in accord with either President or Congress. — Course of 
public temper comes to correspond with his opinions. — Expec- 
tations of his connection with the next Federal Administration. 
— His natural capacity for leadership. — His estimate of the 
character of President Lincoln. — Comparison of his own char- 
acter with that estimate. 

One more duty performed, his official career 
was complete. Retiring from office, he deliv- 
ered to the Legislature that valedictory address 
on which, more than on any other production of 
his pen, rests his claim to the fame of a great 
statesman. Mr. James Freeman Clarke, de- 
scribing the scene, says : " Who that was pres- 
ent can forget that last day in office ? He in- 
vited to his rooms a large number of his friends 
to go in with him and hear it. There you saw 
together a memorable company. There were 
men and women of all ages, from Levi Lincoln, 
then eighty-four years of age, to little boys and 
girls. Side by side were old abolitionists and 
old conservatives, orthodox men and radicals, — 
those who had never met before in one room in 


their lives. It seemed like the scene which will 
be witnessed at the Resurrection of the Just. 
It was on this occasion that he showed himself to 
be, not the fanatic he was believed to be by the 
Southerners, but their best friend. And it was 
at this time that he used the expression that hav- 
ing formerly urged a vigorous prosecution of the 
war, he should now insist on a 4 vigorous prose- 
cution of peace.' " 

First, he enumerated the contributions of 
Massachusetts to the national cause — 159,165 
soldiers and sailors in the Federal armies or na- 
vies, besides $27,705,109 appropriated from the 
treasury of the Commonwealth, in addition to 
the expenditures of the cities and towns. Then, 
asserting the right of Massachusetts to an influ- 
ential voice in the determination of the great 
questions of national statesmanship raised by the 
issue of a war won by such sacrifices, he argued 
at length the terms of pacification which Massa- 
chusetts should advocate. In his view, we could 
not reorganize political society in the Rebel 
States, with any proper security, unless, first, 
" we let in the people to a cooperation, and not 
merely an arbitrarily selected portion of them ; " 
nor unless, second, " we give those who are by 
their intelligence and character the natural lead- 
ers of the people, and who surely will lead them 


by and by, an opportunity to lead them now." 
And he advocated the policy of settling the 
question of suffrage, so far as regards the voting 
for President, Vice President, and Representa- 
tives in Congress, by an amendment of the 
Federal Constitution, and, so far as regards 
the popular choice of all other officers in the 
Rebel States, by provisions of their State Con- 
stitutions, of general application, instead of leav- 
ing the subject to the shifting and inconsistent 
ordinary legislation of the States severally. To 
the question so often asked during the two years 
after Governor Andrew retired from public life, 
Did he agree with Congress or with the Presi- 
dent, in the strife which raged between them? 
these propositions render a clear reply. The 
action of neither was satisfactory to him ; and he 
awaited patiently, in private life, the day when 
experience should vindicate the position he was 
so early to discern and so intrepid to assume. 

That the course of the public temper is now 
in accord with his views, and that their indorse- 
ment by the people at the next election of Pres- 
ident would have summoned him from his retire- 
ment to adorn and ennoble a national office of 
next to the highest honor, is a common assertion 
since his death. That Massachusetts, in losing 
him, lost that one of her citizens whose ties of 


sympathy with public men of other sections of the 
Union were more nearly universal than those of 
any other, is a fact quite as generally recognized. 

He was, by nature, a leader of men. There 
are characters whose combination of qualities, 
though so admirable and harmonious that their 
fame is well assured, yet are not sources of 
enthusiasm to the ordinary mass of mankind. 
Such a character George Washington has be- 
come in history ; like Tennyson's description of 
the face of Maud, " faultily faultless ; dead per- 
fection, no more." None such was Governor 
Andrew. And there are other admirable histori- 
cal characters, not so far removed from ordinary 
mankind as to be exalted above the plane of 
human sympathy, but whose great acts, which 
will influence countless generations, were com- 
pelled rather than original, forced upon them in 
the march of events rather than shaped by noble 
impulses of their own minds. Such a character 
was Abraham Lincoln. But Governor Andrew 
was of a different sort. 

It is interesting to-day to turn back to his 
estimate of Lincoln as expressed in the address 
in which he communicated to the Massachusetts 
Legislature the tidings of the assassination of 
the President.* After describing him as the 

* The last official communication from Governor Andrew to Pres- 


man " on whom the people hung with ' fonder 
hope and confidence than had ever been exer- 
cised within the memory of the generation to 
which we belong," and who had added "mar- 
tyrdom itself to his other and scarcely less em- 
phatic claims to human veneration, gratitude, and 
love ; " and after alluding to the closeness of 
their personal and official relations, the Gov- 
ernor analyzed Lincoln's character thus : — 

" I desire on this grave occasion to record my 
sincere testimony to the unaffected simplicity of 
his manly purpose, to the constancy with which 
he devoted himself to his duty, to the grand 
fidelity with which he subordinated himself to 
his country, to the clearness, robustness, and 
sagacity of his understanding, to his sincere love 
of truth, his undeviating progress in its faithful 
pursuit, and to the confidence which he could 
not fail to inspire in the singular integrity of his 
virtues and the conspicuously judicial quality of 
his intellect. 

" He had the rare gift of discerning and setting 
aside whatever is extraneous and accidental, and 

ident Lincoln was a telegram, dated at Boston, April 11, 1865, 
urging the President to proclaim a National Thanksgiving for the 
capture of Richmond and the final victory of Grant, and suggesting 
April 19, the anniversary of Lexington and Baltimore, as an ap- 
propriate day. But on April 19 the Governor was attending the 
funeral ceremonies for the President in the East Room of the 
White House at Washington. 


of simplifying an inquiry or an argument by just 
discriminations. The purpose of his mind waited 
for the instruction of his deliberate judgment; 
and he was never ashamed to hesitate until he 
was sure that it was intelligently formed. Not 
greatly gifted in what is called the intuition of 
reason, he was nevertheless of so honest an intel- 
lect that by the processes of methodical reasoning 
he was often led so directly to his result that he 
occasionally seemed to rise into that peculiar 
sphere which we assign to those who, by original 
constitution, are natural leaders among men." 

And, after completing this analysis, and " chal- 
lenging all human history to produce the name 
of a ruler more just, unselfish, or unresentful than 
Abraham Lincoln," the Governor continued : — 

" It were premature for us to assert how, or 
how far, during the four years of his administra- 
tion, he led this American People. The unfold- 
ing of events in the history we are yet to enact 
will alone determine the limits of such influence. 
It is enough for his immortal glory that he faith- 
fully represented this people, their confidence in 
democratic government, their constancy in the 
hour of adversity, and their magnanimity in the 
hour of triumph." 

" Comparing his declarations of purpose and 
of inclination with the great actions of his ca- 


reer, we recognize how that career was shaped 
by external more than by internal forces. Until 
long after his inauguration he never proposed 
or counted upon war. He proposed only to 
hold, occupy, and possess the places and the 
property which were within the exclusive juris- 
diction of the United States. And yet he waged 
to a successful issue a civil war the most tre- 
mendous which history records. Nor had he 
ever proposed or inclined to interfere with sla- 
very in the States. He proposed only to check 
its spread and suppress its existence in places 
within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Federal 
Union. And yet he proclaimed liberty to three 
millions of American slaves, and prepared the 
way for Universal Emancipation. 

" Without disparagement, then, of his loftiness 
of motive and fullness of achievement, and with- 
out detraction from the measure of his glory, 
may we not recognize in his career a Direction 
Supreme above the devices or conceptions of 
man, and seeing thus how a Divine Hand has 
led us through these paths of trial, yield con- 
fidingly to its guidance in all future years." 

Reviewing the career of Governor Andrew 
himself, may we not ascribe to him all the posi- 
tive noble qualities with which his judgment 
thus invested President Lincoln, and that inde- 


finable something more, which he calls the 
" intuition of reason," but let us call " inspira- 
tion ; " which is not shaped by the present, but 
is of and for all time, and itself shapes the 
future. Comparing his declarations of purpose 
with the great actions of his administration, do 
we not recognize that his career was controlled 
from within, not from without; and that the 
good he did was good he planned ? 

Premature as seems his death, yet he lived 
long enough to leave a fame as enduring as shall 
be the Commonwealth he governed. Of all his 
illustrious predecessors no one achieved more 
" to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, 
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- 
mon defense, promote the general welfare, and 
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our posterity." He made the first preparations 
for the war and received at its close the trium- 
phant standards of the army he organized to 
wage it. " He ordered the overcoats, and he 
received the flags ! " Every Massachusetts man 
knows the glorious history comprised in that 
brief sentence. Of his departure after such toil 
and such success one well may use the verses of 
the Samson Agonistes, those favorite verses 
which he himself selected for the inscription on 


the monument at Lowell of the first martyrs of 


the war : — 

" He to Israel 
Honor hath left, and freedom, let but them 
Find courage to lay hold on this occasion ; 
To himself and father's house eternal fame ; 
And, which is best and happiest yet, all this 
With God not parted from him, .... 
But favoring and assisting to the end. 
Nothing is here for tears, nothing to wail 
Or knock the breast, no weakness, no contempt 
Dispraise or blame, nothing but well and fair, 
And what may quiet us in a death so noble." 








Gentlemen of the Senate 

and the House of Representatives : — 

The People of Massachusetts have vindicated 
alike their intelligence, their patriotism, their 
will, and their power ; both in the cultivation of 
the arts of Peace, and in the prosecution of just 
and unavoidable War. At the end of five 
years of executive administration, I appear be- 
fore a convention of the two Houses of her 
General Court, in the execution of a final duty. 

For nearly all that period, the Commonwealth, 
as a loyal State of the American Union, has 
been occupied, within her sphere of cooperation, 
in helping to maintain, by arms, the power of 
the nation, the liberties of the people, and the 


rights of human nature. Having contributed to 
the Army and the Navy — including regulars, 
volunteers, seamen and marines, men of all arms 
and officers of all grades, of the various terms 
of service — an aggregate of one hundred and 
fifty-nine thousand one hundred and sixty-five 
men ; and having expended for the war, out of 
her own treasury, twenty-seven million seven 
hundred and five thousand one hundred and nine 
dollars, besides the expenditures of her cities and 
towns, she has maintained, by the unfailing en- 
ergy and economy of her sons and daughters, 
her industry and thrift, even in the waste of 
war. She has paid promptly, and in gold, all 
interest on her bonds, including the old and the 
new, guarding her faith and honor with every 
public creditor, while still fighting the public 
enemy ; and now, at last, in retiring from her 
service, I confess the satisfaction of having first 
seen all of her regiments and batteries, save two 
battalions, returned and mustered out of the 
Army; and of leaving her treasury provided 
for, by the fortunate and profitable negotiation 
of all the permanent loan needed or foreseen ; 
with her financial credit maintained at home and 
abroad, her public securities unsurpassed, if 
even equaled, in value in the money markets of 
the world, by those of any State or of the Nation. 


I have already had the honor to lay before the 
General Court, by special message to the Sen- 
ate, a statement of all affairs which demand my 
own official communication ; and it only remains 
for me to transfer, at the appropriate moment, 
the cares, the honors, and the responsibilities of 
office, to the hands of that eminent and patriotic 
citizen on whose public experience and ability 
the Commonwealth so justly relies.* But, per- 
haps, before descending, for the last time, from 
this venerable seat, I may be indulged in some 
allusion to the broad field of thought and states- 
manship to which the war itself has conducted 
us. As I leave the Temple where, humbled by 
my unworthiness, I have stood so long, like a 
priest of Israel sprinkling the blood of the holy 
sacrifice on the altar, I would fain contemplate 
the solemn and manly duties which remain to us 
who survive the slain, in honor of their memorv 


and in obedience to God. 

The Nation, having been ousted by armed Re- 
bellion of its just possession, and of the exercise 
of its constitutional jurisdiction over the territory 
of the Rebel States, has now at last, by the sup- 
pression of the Rebellion (accomplished by the 
victories of the national arms over those of the 

* His Excellency, Alexander H. Bullock, the present Governor of 
the Commonwealth. 


rebels), regained possession and restored its own 
rightful sway. The Rebels had overthrown the 
loyal State governments. They had made war 
against the Union. The government of each 
Rebel State had not only withdrawn its alle- 
giance, but had given in its adhesion to another, 
namely, the Confederate Government — a gov- 
ernment not only injurious by its very creation, 
but hostile to, and in arms against, the Union, 
asserting and exercising belligerent rights, both 
on land and sea, and seeking alliances with for- 
eign nations, even demanding the armed inter- 
vention of neutral powers. 

The pretensions of this " Confederacy " were 
maintained for four years, in one of the most 
extensive, persistent, and bloody wars of History. 
To overcome it and maintain the rights and the 
verv existence of the Union, our National Gov- 
ernment was compelled to keep on foot one of 
the most stupendous military establishments the 
world has ever known ; and probably the same 
amount of force, naval and military, was never 
organized and involved in any national contro- 

On both sides there was War, with all its in- 
cidents, all its claims, its rights, and its results. 

The States in rebellion tried, under the lead 
of their new Confederacy, to conquer the Union ; 


but in the attempt they were themselves con- 

They did not revert by their rebellion, nor by 
our conquest, into " Territories." They did not 
commit suicide. But they rebelled ; they went 
to war ; and they were conquered. 

A " Territory " of the United States is a pos- 
session, or dependency, of the United States, 
having none of the distinctive, constitutional at- 
tributes of a State. A Territory might be in 
rebellion ; but not thereby cease to be a Terri- 
tory. It would be properly described as a Ter- 
ritory in rebellion. 

Neither does a State in rebellion cease to be a 
State. It would be correctly described as a 
State in rebellion. And it would be subject to 
the proper consequences of rebellion, — both 
direct and incidental, — among which may be 
that of military government, or supervision, by 
the Nation, determinable only by the Nation, at 
its own just discretion, in the due exercise of 
the rights of war. The power to put an end to 
its life is not an attribute of a State of our 
Union. Nor can the Union put an end to its 
own life, save by an alteration of the National 
Constitution, or by suffering such defeat in war 
as to bring it under the jurisdiction of a con- 
queror. The Nation has a vested interest in 


the life of the individual State. The States 
have a vested interest in the life of the Union. 
I do not perceive, therefore, how a State has the 
power by its own action alone, without the coop- 
eration of the Union, to destroy the continuity 
of its corporate life. Nor do I perceive how 
the National Union can, by its own action, with- 
out the action or omission of the States, destroy 
the continuity of its own corporate life. It 
seems to me that the stream of life flows through 
both State and Nation from a double source; 
which is a distinguishing element of its vital 
power. Eccentricity of motion is not death; 
nor is abnormal action organic change. 

The position of the Rebel States is fixed by 
the Constitution, and by the laws, or rights, of 
war. If they had conquered the Union, they 
might have become independent, or whatever 
else it might have been stipulated that they 
should become, by the terms of an ultimate 
treaty of peace. But, being conquered, they 
failed in becoming independent, and they failed 
in accomplishing anything but their own con- 
quest. They were still States ; though belliger- 
ents conquered. But they had lost their loyal 
organization as States ; lost their present posses- 
sion of their political and representative power 
in the Union. Under the Constitution they 


have no means or power of their own to regain 
it. But the exigency is provided for by that 
clause in the Federal Constitution in which the 
Federal Government guarantees a republican 
form of government to every State. The regu- 
lar and formal method would be, therefore, for 
the National Government to provide specifically 
for their reorganization. 

The right and duty, however, of the General 
Government, under the circumstances of their 
present case, is not the single one of reorganiz- 
ing these disorganized States. The war imposed 
rights and duties, peculiar to itself and to the 
relations and the results of War. The first duty 
of the Nation is to regain its own power. It has 
already made a great advance in the direction of 
its power. If ours were a despotic government, 
it might even now be thought that it had already 
accomplished the re establishment of its power as 
a government. But, ours being a republican and 
a popular government, it cannot be affirmed that 
the proper power of the government is restored, 
until a peaceful, loyal, and faithful state of mind 
gains a sufficient ascendency in the rebel and 
belligerent States, to enable the Union and loyal 
citizens everywhere to repose alike on the pur- 
pose and the ability of their people, in point of 
numbers and capacity, to assert, maintain, and 


conduct State governments, republican in form, 
loyal in sentiment and character, with safety to 
themselves and to the national whole. If the 
people, or too large a portion of the people, of a 
given Rebel State, are not willing and able to do 
this, then the state of war still exists, or, at least, 
a condition consequent upon and incidental there- 
to exists, which only the exercise on our part of 
belligerent rights, or some of their incidents, can 
meet or can cure. The rights of war must con- 
tinue until the objects of the war have been ac- 
complished, and the Nation recognizes the return 
of a state of peace. It is absolutely necessary 
then for the Union Government to prescribe some 
reasonable test of loyalty to the people of the 
States in rebellion. It is necessary to require 
of them conformity to those arrangements which 
the war has rendered, or proved to be, necessary 
to the public peace, and necessary as securities 
for the future. As the conquering party, the 
National Government has the right to govern 
these belligerent States meanwhile, at its own 
wise and conscientious discretion, subject: First. 
To the demands of natural justice, humanity, and 
the usages of civilized nations ; Second. To its 
duty under the Constitution, to guarantee repub- 
lican governments to the States. 

But there is no arbiter, save the People of the 


United States, between the Government of the 
Union and those States. Therefore the precise 
things to be done, the precise way to do them, 
the precise steps to be taken, their order, progress 
and direction, are all within the discretion of the 
National Government, in the exercise, both of its 
belligerent and its more strictly constitutional 
functions — exercising them according to its own 
wise, prudent, and just discretion. Its duty is 
not only to restore those States, but also to make 
sure of a lasting peace, of its own ultimate safety, 
and the permanent establishment of the rights of 
all its subjects. To this end, I venture the 
opinion that the Government of the United 
States ought to require the people of those States 
to reform their Constitutions, — 

First. Guaranteeing to the people of color, 
now the wards of the Nation, their civil rights as 
men and women, on an equality with the white 
population, by amendments irrepealable in terms. 

Second. Regulating the elective franchise ac- 
cording to certain laws of universal application, 
and not by rules merely arbitrary, capricious, 
and personal. 

Third. Annulling the ordinances of secession. 

Fourth. Disaffirming the Rebel Debt, and — 

Fifth. To ratify the anti-slavery amendment 
of the United States Constitution by their legisla- 


And I would have all these questions, save the 
fifth — the disposition of which is regulated by 
the Federal Constitution — put to the vote of the 
People themselves. We should neither be satis- 
fied with the action of the conventions which 
have been held, nor with what is termed the 
" loyal vote." We want the popular vote. And 
the rebel vote is better than the loyal vote, if on 
the right side. If it is not on the right side, 
then, I fear, those States are incapable at present 
of reorganization ; the proper power of the 
Union Government is not restored ; the people 
of those States are not yet prepared to assume 
their original functions with safety to the Union ; 
and the state of war still exists ; for they are 
contumacious and disobedient to the just demands 
of the Union, disowning the just conditions pre- 
cedent to reorganization. 

We are desirous of their reorganization, and 
to end the use of the war power. But I am con- 
fident we cannot reorganize political society 
with any proper security : First Unless we let 
in the people to a cooperation, and not merely 
an arbitrarily selected portion of them ; Second. 
Unless we give those who are, by their intelli- 
gence and character, the natural leaders of the 
people, and who surely will lead them by and by, 
an opportunity to lead them now. 


I am aware that it has been a favorite dogma 
in many quarters, "No Rebel Voters" But it 
is impossible in certain States to have any voting 
by white men, if only " loyal men " — i. e., those 
who continued so during the rebellion — are 
permitted to vote. This proposition is so clear 
that the President adopted the expedient of as- 
suming that those who had not risen above cer- 
tain civil or military grades in the rebel public 
service, and who had neither inherited nor earned 
more than a certain amount of property, should 
be deemed and taken to be sufficientlv harmless to 
be intrusted with the suffrage in the work of re- 
organization. Although there is some reason for 
assuming that the less conspicuous and less 
wealthy classes of men had less to do than their 
more towering neighbors in conducting the States 
into the Rebellion and through it, still I do not 
imagine that either wealth or conspicuous posi- 
tion, which are only the accidents of men, or, at 
most, only external incidents, affect the substance 
of their characters. I think that the poorer and 
less significant men who voted, or fought, for 
" Southern Independence " had quite as little 
love for " the Yankees," quite as much prejudice 
against " the Abolitionists," quite as much con- 
tempt for the colored man, and quite as much 

disloyalty at heart, as their more powerful neigh- 


bors. The true question is, now, not of past 
disloyalty, but of present loyal purpose. We 
need not try to disguise the fact that we have 
passed through a great popular Revolution. 
Everybody in the Rebel States was disloyal, 
with exceptions too few and too far between to 
comprise a loyal force sufficient to constitute the 
State even now that the armies of the Rebellion 
are overthrown. Do not let us deceive ourselves. 
The truth is, the public opinion of the white race 
in the South was in favor of the rebellion. The 
colored people sympathized with the Union cause. 
To the extent of their intelligence, they under- 
stood that the success of the South meant their 
continued slavery ; that an easy success of the 
North meant leaving slavery just where we 
found it ; that the War meant — if it lasted long 
enough — their emancipation. The whites went 
to war and supported the war, because they 
hoped to succeed in it ; since they wanted, or 
thought they wanted, separation from the Union, 
or " Southern Independence." There were, 
then, three great interests. There were the 
Southern whites, who, as a body, wished for what 
they called " Southern Independence ; " the 
Southern blacks, who desired emancipation ; the 
people of the " loyal States," who desired to 
maintain the constitutional rights and the territo- 


rial integrity of the Nation. Some of us in the 
North had a strong hope, which, by the favor of 
God, has not been disappointed, out of our defense 
of the Union to accomplish the deliverance of our 
fellow-men in bondage. But the " loyal " idea 
included emancipation, not for its own sake, but 
for the sake of the Union — if the Union could 
be saved, or served, by it. There were many men 
in the South — besides those known as loyal — 
who did not like to incur the responsibility of war 
against the Union ; or who did not think that the 
opportune moment had arrived to fight " the 
North ; " or in whose hearts there was "a di- 
vided allegiance." But they were not the posi- 
tive men. They were, with very few exceptions, 
not the leading minds, the courageous men, the 
impressive and powerful characters ; they were 
not the young and active men ; and when the 
decisive hour came, they went to the wall. No 
matter what they thought, or how they felt, about 
it ; they could not stand or they would not stand 
— certainly they did not stand — against the 
storm. The Revolution either converted them, 
or swept them off their feet. Their own sons 
volunteered. They became involved in all the 
work and in all the consequences of the war. 
The Southern People — as a People — fought, 
toiled, endured, and persevered, with a courage, 


a unanimity and a persistency not outdone by any 
people in any Revolution. There was never an 
acre of territory abandoned to the Union while 
it could be held bv arms. There was never a 
rebel regiment surrendered to the Union arms 
until resistance was overcome by force, or a sur- 
render was compelled by the stress of battle or 
of military strategy. The people of the South, 
men and women, soldiers and civilians, volun- 
teers and conscripts, in the army and at home, 
followed the fortunes of the Rebellion and obeyed 
its leaders, so long as it had any fortunes or any 
leaders. Their young men marched up to the 
cannon's mouth, a thousand times, where they 
were mowed dow r n like grain by the reapers when 
the harvest is ripe. Some men had the faculty 
and the faith in the Rebel cause, to become its 
leaders. The others had the faculty and the 
faith to follow them. All honor to the loyal few ! 
But I do not regard the distinction between loyal 
and disloyal persons of the white race residing 
in the South during the rebellion, as being, for 
present purposes, a practical distinction. It is 
even doubtful whether the comparatively loyal 
few, with certain prominent and honorable excep- 
tions, can be well discriminated from the disloyal 
mass. And, since the President finds himself 
obliged to let in the great mass of the disloyal, 


by the very terms of his proclamation of amnesty, 
to a participation in the business of reorganizing 
the Rebel States, I am obliged also to confess 
that I think to make one rule for the richer and 
higher rebels, and another rule for the poorer and 
more lowly rebels, is impolitic and unphilosophi- 
cal. I find evidence, in the granting of pardons, 
that such also is the opinion of the President. 

When the day arrives, which must surely 
come, when an amnesty substantially universal 
shall be proclaimed, the leading minds of the 
South, who by temporary policy and artificial 
rules had been, for the while, disfranchised, will 
resume their influence and their sway. The 
capacity of leadership is a gift, not a device. 
They whose courage, talents, and will, entitle 
them to lead, will lead. And these men, not 
then estopped by their own consent or partici- 
pation, in the business of reorganization, may 
not be slow to question the validity of great pufe 
lie transactions enacted during their own dis- 
franchisement. If it is asked, in reply, " What 
can they do ? " and " What can come of their 
discontent ? " I answer, that while I do not 
know just what they can do, nor what may come 
of it, neither do I know what they may not at- 
tempt, nor what they may not accomplish. I 
only know that we ought to demand, and to 


secure, the cooperation of the strongest and 
ablest minds and natural leaders of opinion in 
the South. If we cannot gain their support of 
the just measures needful for the work of safe 
reorganization, reorganization will be delusive and 
full of danger. 

Why not try them? They are the most 
hopeful subjects to deal with, in the very nature 
of the case. They have the brain and the expe- 
rience and the education to enable them to un- 
derstand the exigencies of the present situation. 
They have the courage, as well as the skill, to 
lead the people in the direction their judgments 
point, in spite of their own and the popular 
prejudice. Weaker men, those of less experi- 
ence, who have less hold on the public confi- 
dence, are comparatively powerless. Is it con- 
sistent with reason and our knowledge of human 
nature, to believe the masses of Southern men 
able to face about, to turn their backs on those 
they have trusted and followed, and to adopt the 
lead of those who have no magnetic hold on their 
hearts or minds ? Reorganization in the South 
demands the aid of men of great moral courage, 
who can renounce their own past opinions, and 
do it boldly ; who can comprehend what the 
work is, and what are the logical consequences 
of the new situation : men who have interests 


urging them to rise to the height of the occasion. 
They are not the strong men, from whom weak, 
vacillating counsels come ; nor are they the great 
men, from whom come counsels born of preju- 
dices and follies, having their root in an institu- 
tion they know to be dead, and buried beyond 
the hope of resurrection. 

Has it never occurred to us all, that we are 
now proposing the most wonderful and unprece- 
dented of human transactions ? The conquering 
government, at the close of a great war, is about 
restoring to the conquered rebels not only their 
local governments in the States, but their rep- 
resentative share in the General Government of 
the country ! They are, in their States, to 
govern themselves as they did before the rebel- 
lion. The conquered rebels are, in the Union, 
to help govern and control the conquering loyal- 
ists ! These being the privileges which they 
are to enjoy when reorganization becomes com- 
plete, I declare that I know not any safeguard, 
precaution, or act of prudence, which wise states- 
manship might not recognize to be reasonable 
and just. If we have no right to demand guar- 
antees for the future ; if we have no right to 
insist upon significant acts of loyal submission 
from the rebel leaders themselves ; if we have no 
right to demand the positive popular vote in 


favor of the guarantees we need ; if we may not 
stipulate for the recognition of the just rights of 
the slaves, whom, in the act of suppressing the 
rebellion, we converted from slaves into freemen, 
then I declare that we had no right to emanci- 
pate the slaves, or to suppress the rebellion. 

It may be asked : Why not demand the suf- 
frage for colored men, in season for their vote in 
the business of reorganization ? My answer is, 
I assume that the colored men are in favor of 
those measures which the Union needs to have 
adopted. But it would be idle to reorganize 
those States by the colored vote. If the popular 
vote of the white race is not to be had in favor 
of the guarantees justly required, then I am in 
favor of holding on just where we now are. I 
am not in favor of a surrender of the present 
rights of the Union to a struggle between a 
white minority aided by the freedmen on the one 
hand, against a majority of the white race on the 
other. I would not consent, having rescued 
those States by arms from secession and rebel- 
lion, to turn them over to anarchy and chaos. 
I have, however, no doubt, none whatever, of 
our right to stipulate for colored suffrage. The 
question is one of statesmanship, not a question 
of constitutional limitation. 

If it is urged that the suffrage question is one 


peculiarly for the States, I reply : So also that 
of the abolition of slavery ordinarily would have 
been. But we are not now deciding what a 
loyal State, acting in its constitutional sphere, 
and in its normal relations to the Union, may 
do; but what a rebel, belligerent, conquered 
State must do, in order to* be reorganized and 
to get back into those relations. And in decid- 
ing this, I must repeat that we are to be gov- 
erned only by justice, humanity, the public 
safety, and our duty to reorganize those con- 
quered, belligerent States, as we can and when 
we can, consistently therewith. 

In dealing with those States, with a view to 
fulfilling the national guarantee of a republican 
form of government, it is plain, since the nation 
is called upon to reorganize government, where 
no loyal republican State Government is in ex- 
istence, that it must, of absolute necessity, deal 
directly with the People themselves. If a State 
Government were menaced and in danger of 
subversion, then the Nation would be called upon 
to aid the existing government of the State in 
sustaining itself against the impending danger. 
But the present case is a different one. The 
State Government was subverted in each Rebel 
State more than four years ago. The State, in 
its corporate capacity, went into rebellion, and, 


as long as it had the power, waged and main- 
tained against the Nation rebellious war. There 
is no Government in them to deal w T ith. But 
there are the People. It is to the people we 
must go. It is through their people alone, and 
it is in their primary capacity alone, as people 
unorganized and without a government, that the 
Nation is capable now of dealing with them at 
all. And, therefore, the Government of the 
Nation is obliged, by the sheer necessity of the 
case, to know who are the people of the State, 
in the sense of the National Constitution, in or- 
der to know how to reach them. Congress, dis- 
cerning new people, with new rights and new 
duties and new interests (of the nation itself 
even) springing from them, may rightfully stip- 
ulate in their behalf. If Congress perceives 
that it cannot fulfill its guarantee to all the people 
of a State, without such a stipulation, then it 
not only may, but it ought to, require and secure 
it. The guarantee is one concerning all, not 
merely a part of the People. And, though the 
Government of a State might be of republican 
form, and yet not enfranchise its colored citizens ; 
still the substance and equity of the guarantee 
would be violated, if, in addition to their non- 
enfranchisement, the colored people should be 
compelled to share the burdens of a State Gov- 


ernment, the benefits of which would enure to 
other classes, to their own exclusion. 

A republican form of government is not of 
necessity just and good. Nor is another form, 
of necessity, unjust and bad. A monarch may 
be humane, thoughtful, and just to every class 
and to every man. A republic may be inhu- 
man, regardless of, and unjust to, some of its 
subjects. Our National Government and most 
of the State Governments were so, to those 
whom they treated as slaves, or whose servitude 
they aggravated by their legislation in the inter- 
est of slavery. The Nation cannot hereafter 
pretend that it has kept its promise and fulfilled 
its guarantee, when it shall have only organized 
governments of republican form, unless it can 
look all the people in the face, and declare that it 
has kept its promise with them all. The voting 
class alone — those who possessed the franchise 
under the State Constitutions — were not the 
People. They never were the People. They 
are not now. They were simply the trustees 
of a certain power, for the benefit of all the peo- 
ple, and not merely for their own advantage. 
The Nation does not fulfill its guarantee by deal- 
ing with them alone. It may deal through 
them, with the people. It may accept their ac- 
tion as satisfactory, in its discretion. But, no 


matter who may be the agents, through whom 
the Nation reaches and deals with the people, 
that guaranty of the National Constitution is 
fatally violated, unless the nation secures to all 
the people of those disorganized States the sub- 
stantial benefits and advantages of a Govern- 
ment. We cannot hide behind a word. We 
cannot be content with the "form" The sub- 
stance bargained for is a Government. The 
" form " is also bargained for, but that is only 
an incident. The people, and all the people alike, 
must have and enjoy the benefits and advantages 
of a government, for the common good, the just 
and equal protection of each and all. 

But, What of the policy of the President ? 
I am not able to consider his future policy. It 
is undisclosed. He seems to me to have left to 
Congress alone the questions controlling the 
conditions on which the Rebel States shall resume 
their representative power in the Federal Gov- 
ernment. It was not incumbent on the Presi- 
dent to do otherwise. He naturally leaves the 
duty of theoretical reasoning to those whose re- 
sponsibility it is to reach the just practical con- 
clusion. Thus far the President has simply 
used, according to his proper discretion, the 
power of commander-in-chief. What method he 
should observe was a question of discretion, in 


the absence of any positive law, to be answered 
by himself. He might have assumed, in the ab- 
sence of positive law — during the process of 
reorganization — purely military methods. Had 
that been needful, it would have been appro- 
priate. If not necessary, then it would have 
been unjust and injurious. It is not just to 
oppress even an enemy, merely because we 
have the power. In a case like the present, it 
would be extremely impolitic, and injurious to 
the nation itself. Bear in mind, ours is not a 
conquest by barbarians, nor by despots ; but by 
Christians and republicans. The commander-in- 
chief was bound to govern with a view to pro- 
moting the true restoration of the power of the 
Union, as I attempted to describe it in the be- 
ginning of this address ; not merely with a view 
to the present, immediate control of the daily 
conduct of the people. He deemed it wise, 
therefore, to resort to the democratic principle, 
to use the analogies of republicanism and of con- 
stitutional liberty. He had the power to govern 
through magistrates under military or under 
civil titles. He could employ the agencies of 
popular and of representative assemblies. Their 
authority has its source, however, in his own 
war powers as commander-in-chief. If the 
peace of society, the rights of the government, 


and of all its subjects, are duly maintained, then 
the method may justify itself by its success as 
well as its intention. If he has assisted the 
people to reorganize their legislatures, and to 
reestablish the machinery of local State govern- 
ment ; though his method may be less regular 
than if an Act of Congress had prescribed it, 
still it has permitted the people to feel their way 
back into the works and ways of loyalty, to ex- 
hibit their temper of mind, and to " show their 
hands." Was it not better for the cause of free 
government, of civil liberty, to incur the risk of 
error in that direction, than of error in the oppo- 
site one ? It has proved that the National Gov- 
ernment is not drunk with power ; that its four 
years' exercise of the dangerous rights of war 
has not affected its brain. It has shown that the 
danger of despotic centralism, or of central 
despotism, is safely over. 

Meanwhile, notwithstanding the transmission 
of the seals to State magistrates chosen by vote 
in the States themselves ; notwithstanding the 
inauguration, in fact, of local legislatures, the 
powers of war remain. The commander-in-chief 
has not abdicated. His generals continue in the 
field. They still exercise military functions, ac- 
cording to the belligerent rights of the nation. 
What the commander-in-chief may hereafter do, 


whether less or more, depends, I presume, in 
great measure on what the people of the Rebel 
States may do or forbear doing. I assume that, 
until the executive and legislative departments of 
the National Government shall have reached the 
united conclusion that the objects of the war have 
been fully accomplished, the national declaration 
of peace is not and cannot be made. 

The proceedings already had are only certain 
acts in the great drama of reorganization. They 
do not go for nothing ; they were not unneces- 
sary; nor do I approach them with criticism. 
But they are not the whole drama. Other acts 
are required for its completion. What they shall 
be, depends in part on the wisdom of Congress to 

The doctrine of the President that, in the steps 
preliminary to reorganizing a State which is 
not, and has not been, theoretically cut off from 
the Union, he must recognize its own organic law 
antecedent to the rebellion, need not be contested. 
I adhere, quite as strictly as he, to the logical 
consequences of that doctrine. I agree that the 
Rebel States ought to come back again into the 
exercise of their State functions and the enjoy- 
ment of their representative power, by the action 
and by the votes of the same class of persons, 
namely, the same body of voters, or tenants of 


political rights and privileges, by the votes, action 
or submission of whom those States were carried 
into the Rebellion. But yet it may be, at the 
same time, needful and proper, in the sense of 
wise statesmanship, to require of them the ampli- 
fication of certain privileges, the recognition of 
certain rights, the establishment of certain insti- 
tutions, the redistribution even of political power, 
— to be by them accorded and executed through 
constitutional amendments, or otherwise, — as 
elements of acceptable reorganization, and as 
necessary to the readjustment of political society 
in harmony with the new relations and the new 
basis of universal freedom resulting from the Re- 
bellion itself. If these things are found to be 
required by wise statesmanship, then the right to 
exact them, as conditions of restoring those States 
to the enjoyment of their normal functions, is to 
be found just where the Nation found the right to 
crush the Rebellion and the incidental right of 
emancipating slaves. 

Now, distinctions between men as to their 
rights, purely arbitrary and not founded in reason 
or in the nature of things, are not wise, states- 
manlike, or "republican" in the constitutional 
sense. If they ever are wise and statesmanlike, 
they become so only where oligarchies, privileged 
orders and hereditary aristocracies are wise and 


expedient. There are two kinds of republican 
government, however, known to political science, 
namely, aristocratic republics and democratic re- 
publics : or those in which the government resides 
with a few persons, or with a privileged body, 
and those in which it is the Government of the 
People. I cannot doubt that nearly all men are 
prepared to admit that our governments, both 
State and National, are constitutionally democra- 
tic, representative republics. That theory of 
government is expressly set forth in the Declara- 
tion of Independence. The popular theory of 
government is again declared in the preamble to 
the Federal Constitution. The Federal Govern- 
ment is elaborately constructed according to the 
theory of popular and representative government, 
and against the aristocratic theory, in its distin- 
guishing features ; and, in divers places, the 
Federal Constitution, in set terms, presupposes 
the democratic and representative character of 
the governments of the States, for example, by 
assuming that they have legislatures, that their 
legislatures are composed of more than one body, 
and by aiming to prevent even all appearance of 
aristocratic form by prohibiting the States from 
granting any title of nobility. In his recent mes- 
sage to Congress, President Johnson affirms " the 
great distinguishing principle of the recognition 



of the rights of man" as the fundamental idea 
in all our governments. " The American sys- 
tem," he adds, in the same paragraph, " rests on 
the assertion of the equal right of every man to 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, to free- 
dom of conscience, to the culture and exercise of 
all his faculties." But, is it pretended that the 
idea of a Government of the People, and for the 
People, in the American sense, is inclusive of the 
white race only, or is exclusive of men of African 
descent? On what ground can the position 

The citizenship of free men of color, even in 
those States where no provision of law seemed to 
include them in the category of voters, has been 
frequently demonstrated, not only as a legal right, 
but as a right asserted and enjoyed. Nay more ; 
both under the Confederation, and at the time of 
the adoption of the Constitution of the United 
States, all free native born inhabitants of the 
States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New 
York, New Jersey, and North Carolina, though 
descended from African slaves, were not only 
citizens of those States, but such of them as had 
the other necessary qualifications, possessed the 
franchise of electors on equal terms with other 
citizens. And even Virginia declares, in her 
ancient Bill of Rights, "that all men having suffi- 


cient evidence of permanent common interest 
with, and attachment to, the community, have the 
right of suffrage." Wherever free colored men 
were recognized as free citizens or subjects, but 
were, nevertheless, not fully enfranchised, I think 
that the explanation is found, not in the fact of 
their mere color, nor in their antecedent servi- 
tude, but in the idea of their possible lapse into 
servitude again, of which condition their color 
was a badge and a continuing presumption. The 
policy of some States seems to have demanded 
that slavery should be the prevailing condition of 
all their inhabitants of African descent. In those 
States, the possession of freedom by a colored 
man has therefore been treated as if that condi- 
tion was only exceptional and transient. But, 
wherever the policy and legislation of a State 
were originally dictated by men who saw through 
the confusion of ideas occasioned by the presence 
of slavery, there we are enabled to discern the 
evidence of an unclouded purpose (with which 
the American mind always intended to be consis- 
tent) , namely : The maintenance of equality between 
free citizens concerning civil rights, and the dis- 
tribution of privileges according to capacity and 
desert and not according to the accidents of birth. 
And now that slavery has been rendered forever 
impossible within any State or Territory of the 


Union, by framing the great natural law of Uni- 
versal Freedom into the organic law of the 
Union, all the ancient disabilities which slavery 
had made apparently attendant on African de- 
scent, must disappear. 

Whatever may be the rules regulating the dis- 
tribution of political power among free citizens, in 
the organization of such a republican government 
as that guaranteed by the National Constitution, 
descent is neither the evidence of right, nor the 
ground of disfranchisement. The selection of a 
fraction or class of the great body of freemen in 
the Civil State, to be permanently invested with 
its entire political power, — (selected by mere 
human predestination, irrespective of merit), — 
that power to be incommunicable to the freemen 
of another class, — the two classes, of rulers and 
ruled, governors and governed, to be determined 
by the accident of birth, and all the consequences 
of that accident to descend by generation to their 
children, — seems to me to be the establishment 
of an hereditary aristocracy of birth, the creation 
of a privileged order, inconsistent both with the 
substance and the essential form of American re- 
publicanism, unstatesmanlike and unwise; and 
(in the Rebel States) in every sense dangerous 
and unjust. 

To demand a certain qualification of intelli- 


gence is eminently safe, and consists with the 
interests and rights of all. It is as reasonable as 
to require a certain maturity of age. They who 
are the representatives of the political power of 
society, acting not only for themselves, but also 
for the women and children, who too belong to it ; 
representing the interests of the wives, mothers, 
sisters, daughters, infant sons, and the posterity 
of us all, ought to constitute an audience reason- 
ably competent to hear. And, since the congre- 
gation of American voters is numbered by mil- 
lions, and covers a continent, rt cannot hear with 
its ears all that it needs to know; but must 
learn intelligently much that it needs to know, 
through the printed page and by means of its 
eyes. The protection of the mass of men against 
the deceptions of local demagogues, and against 
their own prejudices hereafter, as well as the 
common safety, calls for the requirement of the 
capacity to read the mother tongue, as a condi- 
tion of coming for the first time to the ballot-box. 
Let this be required at the South, and immediately 
the whole Southern community will be aroused 
to the absolute necessity of demanding free schools 
and popular education. These are, more than all 
things else, to be coveted, both for the preserva- 
tion of public liberty, and for the temporal salva- 
tion of the toiling masses of our own Saxon and 


Norman blood, whom, alike with the African 
slave, the oppression of ages has involved in a 
common disaster. 

I think that the wisest and most intelligent 
persons in the South are not ignorant of the im- 
portance of raising the standard of intelligence 
among voters; and of extending the right to 
vote so as to include those who are of compe- 
tent intellect, notwithstanding the recent disabil- 
ity of color. There is evidence that they are 
not unwilling to act consistently with the under- 
standing, example,"and constitutional precedents 
of the fathers of the Republic ; consistently with 
the ancient practice of the States, coeval with 
the organic law of the nation, established by the 
very men who made that law, who used and 
adopted the very phrase, " a republican form of 
government," of the meaning of which their 
own practice was a contemporary interpretation. 
But if the conquering power of the Nation, if 
the victorious arm of the Union is paralyzed ; if 
the Federal Government, standing behind the 
ramparts of defensive war, wielding its weapons, 
both of offense in the hour of struggle, and of 
diplomacy in the hour of triumph, is utterly 
powerless to stipulate for the execution of this 
condition ; then I confess I do not know how the 
best and wisest in the South will be enabled, 


deserted and alone, to stand up on its behalf 
against the jealousy of ignorance and the tradi- 
tions of prejudice. 

If the measures which I have attempted to 
delineate are found to be impracticable, then 
Congress has still the right to refuse to the 
Rebel States readmission to the enjoyment of 
their representative power, until amendments to 
the Federal Constitution shall have been ob- 
tained, adequate to the exigency. Nor can the 
people of the Rebel States object to the delay. 
They voluntarily withdrew from Congress ; they 
themselves elected the attitude of disunion. 
They broke the agreements of the Constitution : 
not we. They chose their own time, opportunity 
and occasion to make war on the Nation, and to 
repudiate the Union. They certainly cannot 
now dictate to us the time or the terms. Again, 
I repeat, the just discretion of the Nation, exer- 
cised in good faith towards all, must govern. 

The Federal Union was formed, first of all, 
" to establish justice." " Justice," in the lan- 
guage of statesmen and of jurists, has had a def- 
inition, for more than two thousand years, exact, 
perfect, and well understood. 

It is found in the Institutes of Justinian, — 

" Constans et perpetua voluntas, jus suum cuique tribuendi." 

" The constant and perpetual will to secure to every man his 



I believe I .have shown that under our Federal 
Constitution, — 

1. All the people of the Rebel States must 
share in the benefits to be derived from the exe- 
cution of the national guarantee of republican 
governments ; 

2. That our " republican form of government " 
demands " The maintenance of equality between 
free citizens concerning civil rights, and the dis- 
tribution of privileges according to capacity and 
desert, and not according to the accidents of 

3. That people " of African descent," not less 
than people of the white race, are included 
within the category of free subjects and citizens 
of the United States ; 

4. That, in the distribution of political power, 
under our form of government, " descent is 
neither the evidence of right, nor the ground of 
disfranchisement ; " so that 

5. The disfranchisement of free citizens, for 
the cause of " descent," or for any reason other 
than lawful disqualification, as by non-residence, 
immaturity, crime, or want of intelligence, vio- 
lates their constitutional rights ; 


6. That, in executing our national guarantee 
of republican government to the people of the 
Rebel States, we must secure the constitutional 
civic liberties and franchises of all the people ; 


7. That we have no right to omit to secure to 
the new citizens, made free by the Union, in 
war, their equality of rights before the law, and 
their franchises of every sort, including the 
electoral franchise, according to laws and regula- 
tions, of universal, and not of unequal and ca- 
pricious, application. 

We have no right to evade our own duty. 
We must not, by substituting a new basis for the 
apportionment of Representatives in Congress, 
give up the just rights of these citizens. In- 
creasing the proportion of the political power of 
the loyal States at the expense of the disloyal 
States, by adopting their relative numbers of 
legal voters instead of their relative populations, 
while it might punish some States for not accord- 
ing the suffrage to colored men, would not be 
justice to the colored citizen. For justice de- 
mands, " for every man his own right." 

Will it be said that, by such means, we shall 
strengthen our own power in the loyal States, 
to protect the colored people in the South ? If 
we will not yield to them justice now, on what 
ground do we expect grace to give them "protec- 
tion " hereafter ? You will have compromised 
for a consideration, paid in an increase of your 
own political power, your right to urge their vol- 
untary enfranchisement on the white men of 


the South. You will have bribed all the ele- 
ments of political selfishness in the whole coun- 
try, to combine against negro enfranchisement. 
The States of the Rebellion will have no less 
power than ever in the Senate ; and the men 
who hold the privilege of electing representatives 
to the lower house, will retain their privilege. 
For the sake of doubling the delegation from 
South Carolina, do you suppose that the monop- 
oly of choosing three members would be surren- 
dered by the whites, giving to the colored men 
the chance to choose six ? Nay ; would the 
monopolists gain anything by according the suf- 
frage to the colored man, if they could them- 
selves only retain the power to dictate three 
representatives, and the colored people should 
dictate the selection of the other three ? 

The scheme to substitute legal voters, instead 
of population, as the basis of representation in 
Congress, will prove a delusion and a snare. By 
diminishing the representative power of the 
Southern States, in favor of other States, you 
will not increase Southern love for the Union. 
Nor, while Connecticut and Wisconsin refuse 
the suffrage to men of color, will you be able to 
convince the South that your amendment was 
dictated by political principle, and not by politi- 
cal cupidity. You will not diminish any honest 


apprehension at extending the suffrage, but you 
will inflame every prejudice and aggravate dis- 
content. Meanwhile, the disfranchised freed- 
man, hated by some because he is black, con- 
temned by some because he has been a slave, 
feared by some because of the antagonisms of 
society, is condemned to the condition of a hope- 
less pariah of a merciless civilization. In the 
community, he is not of it. He neither belongs 
to a master, nor to society. Bodily present in 
the midst of the society composing the State, 
he adds nothing to its weight in the political 
balance of the nation ; and, therefore, he stands 
in the way, occupies the room, and takes the 
place, which might be enjoyed as opportunities 
by a white immigrant who would contribute by 
his presence to its representative power. Your 
policy would inflame animosity and aggravate 
oppression, for at least the lifetime of a genera- 
tion, before it would open the door to enfran- 

Civil society is not an aggregation of individ- 
uals. According to the order of nature, and of 
the Divine economy, it is an aggregation of fam- 
ilies. The adult males of the family vote because 
the welfare of the women and children of the 
family is identical with theirs ; and it is intrusted 
to their affection and fidelity, whether at the bal- 


lot-box or on the battle field. But, while the vot- 
ing men of a given community represent the 
welfare of its women and children, they do not 
represent that of another community. The men, 
women and children of Massachusetts are alike 
concerned in the ideas and interests of Massa- 
chusetts. But the very theory of representa- 
tion implies that the ideas and interests of one 
State are not identical with those of another. 
On what ground, then, can a State on the Pa- 
cific or the Ohio gain preponderance in Congress 
over New Jersey or Massachusetts by reason of 
its greater number of males, while it may have 
even a less number of people ? The halls of 
legislation are the arenas of debate, not of mus- 
cular prowess. The intelligence, the opinions, 
the wishes, and the influence of women, social 
and domestic, stand for something — for much 
— in the public affairs of civilized and refined 
society. I deny the just right of the Govern- 
ment to banish woman from the count. She 
may not vote, but she thinks ; she persuades 
her husband : she instructs her son ; and through 
them, at least, she has a right to be heard in the 
government. Her existence, and the existence 
of her children, are to be considered in the 

No matter who changes; let Massachusetts, 


at least, stand by all the fundamental principles 
of free, constitutional, republican government. 

The President is the tribune of the people. 
Let him be chosen directly by the popular elec- 
tion. The Senate represents the reserved rights 
and the equality of the States. Let the Sena- 
tors continue to be chosen by the Legislatures 
of the States. The House represents the opin- 
ions, interests, and equality of the people of each 
and every State. Let the people of the respec- 
tive States elect their representatives in numbers 
proportional to the numbers of their people. 
And let the legal qualifications of the voters, in 
the election of President, Vice President, and 
Representatives in Congress, be fixed by a uni- 
form, equal, democratic, constitutional rule, of 
universal application. Let this franchise be en- 
joyed " according to capacity and desert, and not 
according to the accidents of birth." Congress 
may, and ought, to initiate an amendment grant- 
ing the right to vote for President, Vice Presi- 
dent and Representatives in Congress, to colored 
men, in all the States, being citizens and able to 
read, who would, by the laws of the States where 
they reside, be competent to vote if they were 
white. Without disfranchising existing voters, 
it should apply the qualification to white men 
also. And the amendment ought to leave the 


election of President and Vice President directly 
in the hands of the people, without the interven- 
tion of electoral colleges. Then the poorest, 
humblest, and most despised men, being citizens 
and competent to read, and thus competent, 
with reasonable intelligence, to represent others, 
would find audience through the ballot-box. 
The President, who is the Grand Tribune of all 
the People, and the direct delegates of the Peo- 
ple in the popular branch of the National Legis- 
lature, would feel their influence. This amend- 
ment would give efficiency to the one already 
adopted abolishing Slavery throughout the 
Union. The two amendments, taken together, 
would practically accomplish, or enable Congress 
to fulfill, the whole duty of the nation to those 
who are now its dependent wards. 

I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men at 
the South accept the present condition of things 
in good faith ; and I am also satisfied that with 
the support of a firm policy from the President 
and Congress, in aid of the efforts of their good 
faith, and with the help of a conciliatory and gen- 
erous disposition on the part of the North, espe- 
cially on the part of those States most identified 
with the plan of emancipation, the measures 
needed for permanent and universal welfare can 
surely be obtained. There ought now to be a 


vigorous prosecution of the Peace — just as vigor- 
ous as our recent prosecution of the War. We 
ought to extend our hands with cordial good- will 
to meet the proffered hands of the South ; de- 
manding no attitude of humiliation from any ; 
inflicting no acts of humiliation upon any; re- 
specting the feelings of the conquered ; — not- 
withstanding the question of right and wrong 
between the parties belligerent. We ought, by 
all the means and instrumentalities of peace ; by 
all the thrifty methods of industry ; by all the 
recreative agencies of education and religion ; to 
help rebuild the waste places and restore order, 
society, prosperity. Without industry and busi- 
ness there can be no progress. In their absence, 
civilized man even recedes towards barbarism. 
Let Massachusetts bear in mind the not unnat- 
ural suspicion which the past has engendered. I 
trust that she is able — filled with emotions of 
boundless joy, and gratitude to Almighty God 
who has given such victory and such honor to 
the Right — to exercise faith in His goodness, 
without vain glory ; and to exercise charity, 
without weakness, towards those who have held 
the attitude of her enemies. 

The offense of War has met its appropriate 
punishment by the hand of War. In this hour 
of triumph, honor and religion alike forbid one 


act, one word, of vengeance or resentment. 
Patriotism and Christianity unite the arguments 
,of earthly welfare, and the motives of heavenly 
inspiration, to persuade us to put off all jealousy 
and all fear, and to move forward as citizens and 
as men, in the work of social and economic re- 
organization, each one doing with his might what- 
ever his hand findeth to do. 

We might wish that it were possible for Mas- 
sachusetts justly to avoid her part in the work 
of political reorganization. But, in spite of 
whatever misunderstanding of her purpose or 
character, she must abide her destiny. She is a 
part of the Nation. The Nation, for its own 
ends and its own advantage, as a measure of war, 
took out of the hands of the masters, their slaves. 
It holds them therefore, in its hands, as freedmen. 
It must place them somewhere. It must dispose 
of them somehow. It cannot delegate the trust. 
It has no right to drop them, to desert them. 
For, by its own voluntary act, it assumed their 
guardianship and all its attendant responsibilities, 
before the present generation, and all the coming 
generations, of mankind. I know not how well, 
or how ill, they might be treated by the people 
of the States where they reside. I only know 
that there is a point beyond which the Nation 
has no right to incur any hazard. And, while 


the fidelity of the Nation need not abridge the 
humanity of the States ; on the other hand our 
confidence in those States cannot be pleaded be- 
fore the bar of God, or of history, in defense of 
any neglect of our own duty. Let their people 
remember that Massachusetts has never deceived 
them. To her ideas of duty and her theory of 
the Government, she has been faithful. If they 
were ever misled or betrayed by others into the 
snare of attempted secession, and the risks of 
war, her trumpet at least gave no uncertain sound. 
She has fulfilled her engagements in the past, 
and she intends to fulfill them in the future. She 
knows that the reorganization of the States in 
rebellion carries with it consequences which come 
home to the firesides and the consciences of her 
own children ; for, as citizens of the Union, they 
become liable to assume the defense of those gov- 
ernments, when reorganized, against every men- 
ace, whether of foreign invasion or of domestic 
violence. Her bayonets may be invoked to put 
down insurgents of whatever color, and what- 
ever the cause, whether rightful or wrongful, 
which may have moved their discontent. And, 
when they are called for, they will march. If 
she were capable of evading her duty now, she 
would be capable of violating her obligations 
hereafter. If she is anxious to prevent grave 



errors, it is because she appreciates, from her 
past experience, the danger of admitting such 
errors into the structure of government. She is 
watchful against them now, because, in the sin- 
cere fidelity of her purpose, she is made keenly 
alive to the duties of the present, by contempla- 
ting the inevitable responsibilities of the future. 
In sympathy with the heart and hope of the 
nation, she will abide by her faith. Undisturbed 
by the impatient, undismayed by delay, " with 
malice towards none, with charity for all ; with 
firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the 
right," she will persevere. Impartial, Democrat- 
ic, Constitutional Liberty is invincible. The 
rights of human nature are sacred ; maintained 
by confessors, and heroes, and martyrs ; reposing 
on the sure foundation of the commandments of 

" Through plots and counterplots ; 
Through gain and loss; through glory and disgrace; 
Along the plains where passionate Discord rears 
Eternal Babel; still the holy stream 
Of human happiness glides on ! 

There is One above 
Sways the harmonious mystery of the world." 

Gentlemen : For all the favors, unmerited 
and unmeasured, which I have enjoyed frQm the 
people of Massachusetts ; from the councillors, 


magistrates, and officers by whom I have been 
surrounded in the government ; and from the 
members of five successive legislatures; there 
is no return in my power to render, but the sin- 
cere acknowledgments of a grateful heart.